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successor, M. Dupleix.

It will clear the ground for the reader if we add that the prosperity of the rival settlements was greatly affected by the action of their respective principals in Europe. On this point all the advantages lay with the English. For, whilst the Company of the Indies at Paris, and, it must be added, the French Government likewise, starved their dependency in India, and supplied them with inefficient and often ill-timed assistance, the East India Company, and the Government of the King of England, made a far better provision for the necessities of Madras.

It must, however, in candour be admitted that at the outset the French were better supplied with men and money than the English. Until the importance of the quarrel was recognized in Europe it became then a contest between the natural qualities of the men on the spot—a test of the capabilities of the races they represented.

I turn now, after this brief explanation of the position in Southern India in 1744, to describe the causes which led to the catastrophe which supervened very shortly after the arrival in India of the hero of this history.





CHAPTER III
HOW THE WAR IN THE KARNÁTIK AFFECTED THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH SETTLEMENTS



The trouble came from the Karnåtik. The family of the chief who had held the position of Nawåb at the time of the death of Aurangzeb had adopted the new fashion, then becoming universal, of making the post hereditary in his family. Saådat-ullå Khån, the Nawåb in question, had himself been regularly appointed in 1710 by the court of Delhi. After a peaceful rule of twenty-two years he had died (1732) without issue, after having appointed his nephew, Dost Alí, to succeed him as Nawåb, the younger brother of Dost Alí, Bakar Alí, to be governor of the fort and district of Vellore; and Ghulåm Husén, the nephew of his favourite wife, better known as Chånda Såhib, to be Diwån, or prime minister, to his successor.

These dispositions were carried out. But they were by no means pleasing to the SĂșbahdĂĄr of the Deccan, the NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk to whom the reader has been introduced. That eminent nobleman was not content that his subordinates should act as he was prepared to act himself. His sanction had not been obtained to the transaction. He used then his influence at Delhi to prevent the confirmation which, even in those disturbed times, every chieftain sought to obtain for every act of spoliation. For the moment he proceeded no further. He was content to leave Dost AlĂ­ in the position of a nobleman ruling without the authority of his liege lord, himself, or of the master of both, the court of Delhi.

NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk had justly thought that time would avenge him. Four years after his accession, the death of the ruler of Trichinopoli induced Dost AlĂ­ to send an army under his son Safdar AlĂ­ and his DiwĂĄn ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib, to capture that fortress. Under the pretence of collecting revenue these two princes visited Madras and Pondicherry in their progress southwards, and at the latter place ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib entered into those intimate relations with the French which were to influence greatly the events which were to follow. They proceeded thence to Trichinopoli and took possession of the fortress, the widowed queen having, it is said, fallen in love with ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib. The latter remained there as governor, whilst Safdar AlĂ­ returned to his father at Arcot.

The new Diwån appointed in the place of Chånda Såhib, Mír Ásad, began at once to insinuate charges of ambition against his predecessor, and expressed his opinion that Chånda Såhib, once ruler of Trichinopoli, would not easily let go his hold. In this opinion he was supported by the Nawåb's eldest son, Safdar Jang. Doubtless they were right, but their utterances, freely expressed, served only to put Chånda Såhib on his guard; and he commenced to store the fortress with provisions.

The acquisition of Trichinopoli by the NawĂĄb of the KarnĂĄtik had served only to inflame the mind of his liege lord, NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk, against him. For a time, however, the disorders in Northern India, the threatened invasion of NadĂ­r ShĂĄh, and, finally, that invasion, held his hand. At last, however, his wrath over-mastered his judgement, and, in 1739, at the very time when the invasion of NadĂ­r ShĂĄh was in full swing, he gave permission to the MarĂĄthĂĄs to attack Trichinopoli. In May of the following year, 1740, consequently, a MarĂĄthĂĄ army of 10,000 men, led by RaghujĂ­ Bhonsla, entered the KarnĂĄtik, met the hurriedly raised force of Dost AlĂ­ at the Damalcherri Pass, defeated it with great slaughter, and took prisoner the DiwĂĄn, MĂ­r Ásad. Dost AlĂ­ was among the slain. The victors, then, listening to the persuasions of their prisoner, the DiwĂĄn, agreed to quit the province on receiving a payment, at stated intervals, of a total sum of ten million of rupees. Safdar AlĂ­ was then proclaimed NawĂĄb at Arcot, and ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib proceeded thither to do him homage.

During the preceding two years the French governor of Pondicherry, M. Dumas, had so strengthened the fortifications of that town, that it had come to be regarded by the natives as impregnable. During the MarĂĄthĂĄ invasion, then, ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib had sent thither his family, and his example had been followed by Safdar AlĂ­. After the installation of the latter at Arcot, the two princes proceeded to visit the French governor, who gave them a magnificent reception. On leaving, Safdar AlĂ­ took with him his family, whilst ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib, still suspecting danger, directed his own wives to remain at Pondicherry until events should more clearly develop themselves.

He had not to wait long. Safdar AlĂ­, jealous of his prosperity, had induced the MarĂĄthĂĄs, never unwilling, to make a fresh incursion into the KarnĂĄtik, and to dispose of ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib. In December of the same year then, just four years before Clive landed in India, those warriors entered the province, so deceived ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib as to induce him to sell them the ample stores of grain he had collected, and, as soon as they had received them, laid siege to Trichinopoli. ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib sustained a siege of nearly three months with great resolution, but then, his remaining stores of grain having been exhausted, was forced to surrender (March 26, 1741). The MarĂĄthĂĄs, having plundered the town, departed for SĂĄtĂĄra, taking with them ChĂĄnda SĂĄhib in close custody, and leaving one of their most famous leaders, of whom we shall hear further, MorĂĄri RĂĄo, with 14,000 of their best troops, to guard the place, and to act as discretion or greed might suggest.

The events I have recorded had encouraged among the nobles of the province a spirit of disorder in sympathy with the times. No man felt quite safe. Safdar AlĂ­ himself, but half reassured, sent for safety his family to the custody of the English at Madras, whilst, quitting the comparatively defenceless Arcot, he took up his abode in the strong fortress of Vellore. There his treasures had been stored, and there MurtizĂĄ AlĂ­, who had married his sister, was governor. This man was treacherous, cowardly, and very ambitious. No sooner had he understood that his relationship by marriage did not shield him from the payment of money due to the NawĂĄb, than he proceeded to debauch the army, and to enlist on his side the neighbouring nobles. He then poisoned his brother-in-law. The poison not taking immediate effect, he persuaded a PatĂĄn to stab the NawĂĄb to the heart. He then declared himself NawĂĄb.

He was proclaimed alike at Vellore and Arcot. But his usurpation did not last long. Even in those days there was a public conscience, and the murder he had committed had been too brutal not to arouse indignation. The army rose against him. Fearing for his life, he disguised himself in woman's clothes, and escaped to Vellore.

On the flight of MurtizĂĄ AlĂ­ becoming known the army proclaimed Saiyud Muhammad KhĂĄn, the son of Safdar AlĂ­, then residing at Madras under the protection of the English, to be NawĂĄb. The young prince and his mother were at once removed to the fort of Wandiwash, the ruler of which had married his father's sister.

It was this moment that NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk chose as the time to intervene. Entering Arcot at the head of a large army (March, 1743) he completely pacified the province; then, marching on Trichinopoli, compelled the MarĂĄthĂĄs to yield it and to evacuate the KarnĂĄtik. Possessing himself of the person of the newly proclaimed NawĂĄb, whom he declined to recognize, he proclaimed his own commander-in-chief, KhojĂĄ Abdullah, to be NawĂĄb of the KarnĂĄtik, and then returned to Golconda.

Unfortunately for the peace of the province KhojĂĄ Abdullah, a strong man, never took up the government of the KarnĂĄtik. He had returned with his master to Golconda, and had made there his preparations to set out. On the very morning which he had chosen for that purpose he was found dead in his bed. It was clear that he had been poisoned. Suspicion fell at once upon the nobleman who had originally been an urgent candidate for the office, and who now obtained it. He was an experienced soldier of good family, whose name was Anwar-ud-dĂ­n.

NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk knew that the appointment would not be popular in the province so long as there should remain alive any member of the family of SaĂĄdat-ullĂĄ. He had therefore announced that the appointment of Anwar-ud-dĂ­n was provisional, and that the young prince, Saiyud Muhammad, already proclaimed NawĂĄb, should succeed to that post on his arriving at the age of manhood, remaining during the interval under the guardianship of Anwar-ud-dĂ­n, to be by him instructed in the art of governing. Anwar-ud-dĂ­n promised to carry out the will of his liege lord, and on his arrival in the KarnĂĄtik, assigned to the young prince the fort of Arcot, with a sufficient retinue of PatĂĄn soldiers. There the boy remained, treated with the deference due to his position.

But he was doomed. A few weeks after his arrival at Arcot it devolved upon him to preside at the wedding of one of his near relations. Amongst those who came to the ceremony was the murderer of his father, MurtizĂĄ AlĂ­, laden with presents for the bridegroom. Strange as it may seem, the murderer was courteously received. But shortly after his entrance within the fort an unseemly disturbance was created by the disorderly entrance into the presence of thirteen PatĂĄn soldiers, who insolently demanded payment of the arrears they alleged to be due to them. With some difficulty they were forcibly ejected. But in the evening, as Anwar-ud-dĂ­n approached, attended by his courtiers and preceded by his guards, these thirteen PatĂĄns managed to mingle with the latter, and one of them, rushing towards the daĂŻs on which was the chair occupied by the young prince, ascended the steps leading to it, and, in a supplicatory attitude, made as though he would throw himself at his feet and demand pardon for the offence of the morning. But instead of this he plunged his dagger, which he had concealed on his person, into the prince's heart. He was almost instantly cut down by the attendants. The confusion was extreme. Suddenly it was discovered that MurtizĂĄ AlĂ­ had quitted the fort, had mounted his horse, and, accompanied by his armed followers, had galloped towards Vellore. Suspicion naturally fell upon this proved murderer, and the nobles generally endeavoured to exculpate themselves at his expense.

But suspicion fell likewise upon Anwar-ud-dĂ­n. Who, so much as he, would benefit by the death of Saiyud Muhammad? He was practically only guardian to the young prince, bound to resign his office as soon as the latter should attain his majority. Nor were these suspicions lessened when it was found that NizĂĄm-ul-MĂșlk at once transmitted to Anwar-ud-dĂ­n a complete commission as NawĂĄb of Arcot. Vainly did the NawĂĄb deny all complicity in the bloody deed. MurtizĂĄ AlĂ­ was silent. 'It was supposed,'

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