Ragged Trousered Philanthropists by Robert Tressell (fiction novels to read .txt) 📕

And o’er the weltering tangle a glimmering light is shed.’

As Barrington descended from the Pulpit and walked back to his

accustomed seat, a loud shout of applause burst from a few men in the

crowd, who stood up and waved their caps and cheered again and again.

When order was restored, Philpot rose and addressed the meeting:

`Is there any gentleman wot would like to ask the Speaker a question?’

No one spoke and the Chairman again put the question without obtaining

any response, but at length one of the new hands who had been `taken

on’ about a week previously to replace another painter who had been

sacked for being too slow - stood up and said there was one point that

he would like a little more information about. This man had two

patches on the seat of his trousers, which were also very much frayed

and ragged at the bottoms of the legs: the lining of his coat was all

in rags, as were also the bottoms of the sleeves; his boots were old

and had been many times mended and patched; the sole of one of them

had begun to separate from the upper and he had sewn these parts

together with a few stitches of copper wire. He had been out of

employment for several weeks and it was evident from the pinched

expression of his still haggard face that during that time he had not

had sufficient to eat. This man was not a drunkard, neither was he

one of those semi-mythical persons who are too lazy to work. He was

married and had several children. One of them, a boy of fourteen

years old, earned five shillings a week as a light porter at a

Grocer’s.

Being a householder the man had a vote, but he had never hitherto

taken much interest in what he called `politics’. In his opinion,

those matters were not for the likes of him. He believed in leaving

such difficult subjects to be dealt with by his betters. In his

present unhappy condition he was a walking testimonial to the wisdom

and virtue and benevolence of those same `betters’ who have hitherto

managed the affairs of the world with results so very satisfactory for

themselves.

`I should like to ask the speaker,’ he said, `supposin’ all this that

‘e talks about is done - what’s to become of the King, and the Royal

Family, and all the Big Pots?’

`‘Ear, ‘ear,’ cried Crass, eagerly - and Ned Dawson and the man behind

the moat both said that that was what they would like to know, too.

`I am much more concerned about what is to become of ourselves if

these things are not done,’ replied Barrington. `I think we should

try to cultivate a little more respect of our own families and to

concern ourselves a little less about “Royal” Families. I fail to see

any reason why we should worry ourselves about those people; they’re

all right - they have all they need, and as far as I am aware, nobody

wishes to harm them and they are well able to look after themselves.

They will fare the same as the other rich people.’

`I should like to ask,’ said Harlow, `wot’s to become of all the gold

and silver and copper money? Wouldn’t it be of no use at all?’

`It would be of far more use under Socialism than it is at present.

The State would of course become possessed of a large quantity of it

in the early stages of the development of the Socialist system,

because - at first - while the State would be paying all its officers

and productive workers in paper, the rest of the community - those not

in State employ - would be paying their taxes in gold as at present.

All travellers on the State railways - other than State employees -

would pay their fares in metal money, and gold and silver would pour

into the State Treasury from many other sources. The State would

receive gold and silver and - for the most part - pay out paper. By

the time the system of State employment was fully established, gold

and silver would only be of value as metal and the State would

purchase it from whoever possessed and wished to sell it - at so much

per pound as raw material: instead of hiding it away in the vaults of

banks, or locking it up in iron safes, we shall make use of it. Some

of the gold will be manufactured into articles of jewellery, to be

sold for paper money and worn by the sweethearts and wives and

daughters of the workers; some of it will be beaten out into gold leaf

to be used in the decoration of the houses of the citizens and of

public buildings. As for the silver, it will be made into various

articles of utility for domestic use. The workers will not then, as

now, have to eat their food with poisonous lead or brass spoons and

forks, we shall have these things of silver and if there is not enough

silver we shall probably have a non-poisonous alloy of that metal.’

`As far as I can make out,’ said Harlow, `the paper money will be just

as valuable as gold and silver is now. Well, wot’s to prevent artful

dodgers like old Misery and Rushton saving it up and buying and

selling things with it, and so livin’ without work?’

`Of course,’ said Crass, scornfully. `It would never do!’

`That’s a very simple matter; any man who lives without doing any

useful work is living on the labour of others, he is robbing others of

part of the result of their labour. The object of Socialism is to

stop this robbery, to make it impossible. So no one will be able to

hoard up or accumulate the paper money because it will be dated, and

will become worthless if it is not spent within a certain time after

its issue. As for buying and selling for profit - from whom would

they buy? And to whom would they sell?’

`Well, they might buy some of the things the workers didn’t want, for

less than the workers paid for them, and then they could sell ‘em

again.’

`They’d have to sell them for less than the price charged at the

National Stores, and if you think about it a little you’ll see that it

would not be very profitable. It would be with the object of

preventing any attempts at private trading that the Administration

would refuse to pay compensation to private owners in a lump sum. All

such compensations would be paid, as I said, in the form of a pension

of so much per year.

`Another very effective way to prevent private trading would be to

make it a criminal offence against the wellbeing of the community.

At present many forms of business are illegal unless you take out a

licence; under Socialism no one would be allowed to trade without a

licence, and no licences would be issued.’

`Wouldn’t a man be allowed to save up his money if he wanted to,

demanded Slyme with indignation.

`There will be nothing to prevent a man going without some of the

things he might have if he is foolish enough to do so, but he would

never be able to save up enough to avoid doing his share of useful

service. Besides, what need would there be for anyone to save? One’s

old age would be provided for. No one could ever be out of

employment. If one was ill the State hospitals and Medical Service

would be free. As for one’s children, they would attend the State

Free Schools and Colleges and when of age they would enter the State

Service, their futures provided for. Can you tell us why anyone would

need or wish to save?’

Slyme couldn’t.

`Are there any more questions?’ demanded Philpot.

`While we are speaking of money,’ added Barrington, `I should like to

remind you that even under the present system there are many things

which cost money to maintain, that we enjoy without having to pay for

directly. The public roads and pavements cost money to make and

maintain and light. So do the parks, museums and bridges. But they

are free to all. Under a Socialist Administration this principle will

be extended - in addition to the free services we enjoy now we shall

then maintain the trains and railways for the use of the public, free.

And as time goes on, this method of doing business will be adopted in

many other directions.’

`I’ve read somewhere,’ said Harlow, `that whenever a Government in any

country has started issuing paper money it has always led to

bankruptcy. How do you know that the same thing would not happen

under a Socialist Administration?’

`‘Ear, ‘ear,’ said Crass. `I was just goin’ to say the same thing.’

`If the Government of a country began to issue large amounts of paper

money under the present system,’ Barrington replied, `it would

inevitably lead to bankruptcy, for the simple reason that paper money

under the present system - bank-notes, bank drafts, postal orders,

cheques or any other form - is merely a printed promise to pay the

amount - in gold or silver - on demand or at a certain date. Under

the present system if a Government issues more paper money than it

possesses gold and silver to redeem, it is of course bankrupt. But

the paper money that will be issued under a Socialist Administration

will not be a promise to pay in gold or silver on demand or at any

time. It will be a promise to supply commodities to the amount

specified on the note, and as there could be no dearth of those things

there could be no possibility of bankruptcy.’

`I should like to know who’s goin’ to appoint the hofficers of this

‘ere hindustrial harmy,’ said the man on the pail. `We don’t want to

be bullied and chivied and chased about by a lot of sergeants and

corporals like a lot of soldiers, you know.’

`‘Ear. ‘ear,’ said Crass. `You must ‘ave some masters. Someone’s got

to be in charge of the work.’

`We don’t have to put up with any bullying or chivying or chasing now,

do we?’ said Barrington. `So of course we could not have anything of

that sort under Socialism. We could not put up with it at all! Even

if it were only for four or five hours a day. Under the present

system we have no voice in appointing our masters and overseers and

foremen - we have no choice as to what master we shall work under. If

our masters do not treat us fairly we have no remedy against them.

Under Socialism it will be different; the workers will be part of the

community; the officers or managers and foremen will be the servants

of the community, and if any one of these men were to abuse his

position he could be promptly removed. As for the details of the

organization of the Industrial Army, the difficulty is, again, not so

much to devise a way, but to decide which of many ways would be the

best, and the perfect way will probably be developed only after

experiment and experience. The one thing we have to hold fast to is

the fundamental principle of State employment or National service.

Production for use and not for profit. The national organization of

industry under democratic control. One way of arranging this business

would be for the community to elect a Parliament in much the same way