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to expand deep into its Southern Territories?โ€

Longfellow paused significantly before answering this question, turning his gaze on each of the Council members before addressing Poel.  โ€œThey are aware of our strength,โ€ he said, his eyes boring into Poelโ€™s, โ€œand do not wish to engage in battle with us.  Neither do they want to deal from a position of weakness.  As most of you here today are aware, I met with their King in this very building and he intimated to me that he would be willing to trade goods with Brinemore.  Since then he has indicated to me that our relationship might be a primarily economic one.  The Cru lands are vast- they make up virtually the entire Southern Territories, from Worts End to Hollowโ€™s Peak west to east and from the borderlands north to the South Coast- and it would be inadvisable, not to mention costly and time consuming, to take on the might of the family that rules them.โ€

Whispers rippled through the ranks of the assembly.  This was not something they had expected.  War, they had thought, had been Longfellowโ€™s idea all along.  Because of this, some among their number had begun to listen to Poel talk about how their Steward had become a liability, unaware that this climate of unease was exactly what Manch had fostered through Poel.  Now they suddenly found themselves in a situation where they were forced to re-examine this thinking.  No war.  A trade deal instead.  The members of the assembly exchanged looks, relief the predominant emotion mirrored on their faces.

โ€œThis trade agreement involves the exchange of textiles, minerals and precious metals, some of which we have and some we need.  It is to happen soon and needs only the approval of this Council to begin in principal.  Some of you will have questions and these will be addressed after your initial approval, which I must stress is not a veto but simply an agreement to consider our options.  Do I have this?โ€  He faced down the assembly, his features a broad, open plain of reason and logic.

But Poel was not finished.  โ€œThis seems a profitable and peaceful way forward, my Lord, but,โ€ he turned to the Council members, โ€œit only appears to be so.  What about the illegal exchange of unlicensed goods between north and south?  How does that factor into a suggested trading union between two obvious powers in the Northern Earth?  And what of our strict migration laws?  Will we now have to accept an influx of undesirable types who can no longer tolerate life spent under Cru rule?  Perhaps my Lord has overlooked some obvious disadvantages in his haste to secure a deal with the King.โ€

The Steward appeared to have anticipated Poelโ€™s objections, however, and countered them swiftly with solutions.  โ€œMy Chief military adviser is right to be cautious and indeed there is an illegal trade of goods and services between the Northern and Southern Territories, a trade that has existed since before the reign of the Cru Dynasty.  It has been around since the first warlords staked their claim on the Northern Earth many thousands of years ago and with goods that presented far more of a threat to the fabric of society that existed then.  I cannot promise you that this will suddenly disappear- you understand how unreasonable such a pledge would be- but I shall commit to punish severely those I catch engaging in illegal activity of any kind.  As regards migration between north and south, we live in times where such a privilege is allowable, where freedom of movement is not only desirable for economic reasons but a necessary ingredient of a trading union between two great lands.  The Cru King has acknowledged this in our brief talks and indicated to me that he does not hold his public in suffrage- they are free to leave or remain as they wish.  Should this have been a different state of affairs we might have allowed ourselves to grow concerned, for example, about a large cross-migration of refugees fleeing a totalitarian state.  This is not the case.  The Kingโ€™s people are more citizens than subjects.  Indeed, he has intimated that he styles his Kingdom, in part at least, on the model of success that Brinemore enjoys, democratically as well as economically.โ€

Karsin Longfellow seated himself, permitting the Speaker to wind proceedings down.  Before the meeting finished, a motion was called to accept or reject the trade agreement between the Northern and Southern Territories.  It was accepted by the majority of the Council.  Longfellow took note that his Vice-Steward Manch voted in favour of it and smiled to himself.  Manch could not be seen to openly disagree with his Steward as this turned the spotlight where it was not wanted, namely on Manch.  Only Poel and two others rejected the idea.  Later that evening, when Longfellow sat in the comfort of his private quarters, having poured himself wine from a flask and warmed himself against a fireplace filled with crackling sticks of pine, he reflected on what needed to be done.  Action had to be taken against Poel.  His chief military strategist had made a stand against him today that couldnโ€™t be ignored, regardless of the outcome of the meeting.  People would talk and the nature of that talk would serve to undermine his authority.  The Council, like the Confederation, was an autonomous, independent entity which allowed, in theory at least, for a free and open exchange of ideas and opinions.  Longfellow, however, whose notion of democracy idled somewhere between a vague sense of freedom and a useful tool to achieve the ends he desired, effectively controlled the Council and that in turn depended on unanimous decision making.  He categorised leadership in two types: an autocratic rule and leadership by consensus.  He had no time for the latter.

The decision to remove Poel as a threat, indeed the taking of the manโ€™s life which was the only practical way to do this, did not weigh heavily on his conscience.  What

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