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five year old if he stole the cookies?” Lefty Killcut chuckled pointing his comment toward Orling.

“Thanks for reminding me,” Thérèse interjected. “We confirmed that Viktor Kozak was instrumental in Russia’s 2008 denial of service attack against Georgia.”

“Admiral Wynn,” Larry Okoth, Tremaine’s National Security Advisor, asked. “Do we have any other evidence that Iran is behind the probes?”

“No, sir, that’s the beauty of cyber war. It’s easy to hide behind other countries’ computers. The initiator can capture hundreds or thousands of zombie machines, create an incredible level of power, and aim it at one or several key nodes. And it ties up resources to determine the real source of any attack.”

“Could we withstand a major attack?” Tremaine interrupted beginning to show impatience. “What’s the worst case?”

“In spite of the counter-cyber capabilities we now have,” Wynn said, “a powerful and smart attack could take down our air traffic control, our ATMs, make our oil and gas pipelines dysfunctional by disabling the SCDAs, the little black boxes that run the system, and cause a lack of power for six months or more by disabling the power grid. There’s more but you get the idea. I haven’t mentioned destroying our data bases at Treasury, Social Security, medical installations, and financial institutions.”

“Tom, you haven’t said anything,” Tremaine looked at his National Intelligence Council Chief.

“Well,” Tom Garrett, formerly Director of the Department of State’s Intelligence and Research, “we could do a National Intelligence Estimate on the subject. A fast one, say, six weeks. Get the best minds in the country to work on this.”

“Why don’t you do that Tom?” Tremaine directed leaning forward in his seat. “With a report in a week or ten days at the latest. In the meantime, I want a proposal for a defense that is fail-safe, one that will keep our economy from being crippled.”

He looked at the NSA chief, “I want a proposal from you also within a week or ten days. And it better jive with Tom’s report, so you two need to coordinate. Make it a Manhattan Project for counter cyber war.”

He looked at Deuel and LaFont. “Good work. Obviously, we need more. Is there a timeframe? What are the actual targets? Talk to Admiral Wynn for ground truth requirements.”

“I wouldn’t discuss it with the Russians,” Tremaine said curtly to the State Department contingent. “Walter, Thérèse, any problem with sharing the report with the U.S. Interests Section?”

“I would prefer that the ChargĂ© come back here for consultations, Mr. President,” Deuel said. “The Interest Section is located in a foreign embassy.” “First, the Interests Section is in the Swiss Embassy, the Swiss Embassy for God’s sake,” Orling said looking at Deuel with exasperation.              “The world confides its funds to the Swiss. I think that your report will be safe.”

He then turned toward the president. “Second, Mr. President, provocative action might give our enemies cause to worry, because Iran may not be the only source of cyber threats. Instead, what if we simply told the Iranians that we know what they’re up to and that it is simply not the way to continue the recent improvement in our bilateral relations?”

“That is admitting that we are stealing their secrets,” Thérèse said, almost jumping out of her seat, “and their counterespionage people will simply arrest our case officer, and our agent, and have a fine old public trial that would have made Stalin jealous. I don’t think that’s the best we can do.” She looked first at Deuel and then at the president for support.

Gary Short, the grey-haired director of the National Security Council, whose unbuttoned shirt collar showed over a green tie decorated with golf clubs, balls and tees, spoke for the first time, “Seems to me we should devise both defensive and offensive options. If we’re attacked, that’s an act of war. We have to let the bastards have it.”

“If,” Wynn said, “we know who the attacker is.”

“Since this would be an act of war,” Short continued, “we have to get our NATO partners on board. An attack against one is an attack against all. And I recommend that we get NATO energized now, not afterward.”

“I agree with that,” the president said concluding the meeting. “State and the Joint Chiefs need to work together here to contact our allies now, today. In terms of other planning, we’re not looking for a ten year plan. We need actions that can be implemented in days, maybe hours, not years. In the meantime, we will go to DEFCON 3. I’m ready to go to DEFCON 2 if we can obtain confirming intelligence from your intercepts,” he looked at Wynn, “or from your agent,” he looked at Deuel and LaFont.

“Agreed?” Tremaine asked the entire room but his glance fixed on General Doredo.

“Frankly, Mr. President, I think that we’re over reacting. DEFCON 4 should be sufficient. After all, the intelligence is shaky. I also want to remind everyone that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have ordered a $25 billion military package to include air defense and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, an advanced anti-ballistic missile system. And we now have two cruisers equipped with Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense system in the Gulf.”

“Your point, General?” Tremaine asked, his brow furrowed, his head pointing above the general and his eyes looking down at him. “

“Iran wouldn’t dare attack us at home.”

“DEFCON 3 it is, then. General Doredo, Admiral Wynn please coordinate our defensive posture starting immediately. I also want a strong cyber retaliatory plan. Walter, keep us informed.”

Tremaine turned toward Deuel and LaFont. “I know that part of the CIA credo is to take care of its agents, keep them from harm. In this case, the safety of the country takes precedence. If he can get out of Iran, we’ll take care of your agent, XYSENTINEL. But getting the actionable intelligence is the first priority.”

“And what about our officers Steve Church and

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