The Science of Human Nature by William Henry Pyle (best ereader under 100 TXT) đź“•
But another importance attaches to the brain. When a sense organ is stimulated and this stimulation passes on to the brain and agitates a cell or group of cells there, we are conscious. Consciousness shifts and changes with every shift and change of the stimulation.
The brain has still another important characteristic. After it has been stimulated through sense organ and nerve, a similar brain activity can be revived later, and this revival is the basis of memory. When the brain is agitated through the medium of a sense organ, we have sensation; when this agitation is revived later, we hav
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Summary. The two elementary feeling states are pleasantness and unpleasantness. The emotions are complex mental states composed of feeling and the sensations from bodily reactions to the situations. Feeling and emotion are the motive forces of life, at the bottom of all important actions. The bodily reactions of emotions are reflex and instinctive. Attention is a matter of the relative clearness of the contents of consciousness. The function of attention is to unify thought and action. It is the important factor in all learning and thinking, for it is only the attentive part of consciousness that is effective.
CLASS EXERCISESMake out a complete list of the more important emotions.
Indicate the characteristic expression of each emotion in your list.
Can you have an emotion without its characteristic expression? If, for example, when a situation arises which ordinarily arouses anger in you, you inhibit all the usual motor accompaniments of anger, are you really angry?
Are the expressions of the same emotion the same for all people?
Try to analyze some of your emotional states: anger, or fear, or grief. Can you detect the sensations that come from the bodily reactions?
Try to induce an emotional state by producing its characteristic reactions.
Try to change an emotional state to an opposite emotion; for example, grief to joy.
Try to control and change emotional states in children.
Name some sensations that for you are always pleasant, others that are always unpleasant—colors, sounds, tastes, odors, temperatures.
Confirm by observation the statement of the text as to the importance of emotions in all the important actions of life.
To what extent do you have control of your emotional states? What have you observed about differences in expression of deep emotions by different people? In case of death in the family, some people wail and moan and express their grief in the most extreme manner, while others do not utter a sound and show great control. Why the difference?
Make an introspective study of your conscious states to note the difference in clearness of the different processes that are going on in consciousness. Do you find a constant shifting?
Perform experiments to show the effects of attention in forming habits and acquiring knowledge.
Perform tests in learning, using substitution tests as described in Chapter X. Use several different keys. In some experiments have no distractions, in others, have various distracting noises. What differences do you find in the results?
Try learning nonsense syllables, some lists with distractions, others without distractions.
Try getting the ideas from stories read to you, as in the logical memory experiment described in Chapter X. Some stories should be read without distractions, others with distractions.
Why are you unable to study well when under the influence of some strong emotion?
Are you trained to the extent that you can concentrate on a task and hold yourself to it for a long time?
Do you see that as far as will and attention and the emotions are concerned, your life and character are in large measure in your own hands?
Make a complete outline of the chapter.
REFERENCES FOR CLASS READING Colvin and Bagley: Human Behavior, Chapters IV, V, and VI. Münsterberg: Psychology, General and Applied, Chapter XIV, also pp. 187–192 and pp. 370–371. Pillsbury: Essentials of Psychology, Chapters V and XI. Pyle: The Outlines of Educational Psychology, Chapter XIV. Titchener: A Beginner’s Psychology, Chapters IV, VIII, and XI. CHAPTER VIHABIT
The Nature of Habit. We now turn from man’s inherited nature to his acquired nature. Inherited tendencies to action we have called instincts; acquired tendencies to action we shall call habits. We can best form an idea of the nature of habit by considering some concrete cases.
Let us take first the case of a man forming the habit of turning out the basement light. It usually happens that when a man has an electric light in the basement of his house, it is hard for him at first to think to turn out the light at night when he retires, and as a consequence the light often burns all night. This is expensive and unnecessary, so there is a strong incentive for the man to find a plan which will insure the regular turning-off of the light at bedtime. The plan usually hit upon is the following: The electric switch that controls the basement light is beside the basement stairway. The man learns to look at the switch as he comes up the stairs, after preparing the furnace fire for the night, and learns to take hold of the switch when he sees it and turn off the light. Coming up the stairs means to look at the switch. Seeing the switch means to turn it. Each step of the performance touches off the next. The man sees that in order to make sure that the light will always be turned off, the acts must all be made automatic, and each step must touch off the next in the series. At first, the man leaves the light burning about as often as he turns it off. After practicing for a time on the scheme, the different acts become so well connected that he seldom leaves the light burning. We say that he has formed the habit of turning off the light.
For a second illustration, let us take the process of learning that nine times nine equals eighty-one. At first, one does not say or write “eighty-one” when one sees “nine times nine,” but one can acquire the habit of doing so. It does not here concern us how the child learns what the product of nine times nine is. He may learn it by counting, by being told, or by reading it in a book. But however he first learns it, he fixes it and makes it automatic and habitual by continuing to say or to write, “nine times nine equals eighty-one.” The essential point is that at first the child does not know what to say when he hears or sees the expression “nine times nine,” but after long practice he comes to give automatically and promptly the correct answer. For the definite problem “nine times nine” there comes the definite response “eighty-one.”
For a third illustration, let us take the case of a man tipping his hat when he meets a lady. A young boy does not tip his hat when he meets a lady until he has been taught to do so. After he learns this act of courtesy he does it quite automatically without thinking of it. For the definite situation, meeting a lady of his acquaintance, there comes to be established the definite response, tipping the hat. A similar habit is that of turning to the right when we meet a person. For the definite situation, meeting a person on the road or street or sidewalk, there is established the definite response, turning to the right. The response becomes automatic, immediate, certain.
There is another type of habit that may properly be called an intellectual habit, such as voting a certain party ticket, say the Democratic. When one is a boy, one hears his father speak favorably of the Democratic party. His father says, “Hurrah for Bryan,” so he comes to say, “Hurrah for Bryan.” His father says, “I am a Democrat,” so he says he is a Democrat. He takes the side that his father takes. In a similar way we take on the same religious notions that our parents have. It does not always happen this way, but this is the rule. But no matter how we come to do it, we do adopt the creed of some party or some church. We adopt a certain way of looking at public questions, and a certain way of looking at religious questions. For certain rather definite situations, we come to take definite stands. When we go to the booth to vote, we look at the top of the ballot to find the column marked “Democratic,” and the definite response is to check the “Democrat” column. Of course, some of us form a different habit and check the “Republican” column, but the psychology of the act is the same. The point is that we form the Democratic habit or we form the Republican habit; and the longer we practice the habit, the harder it is to change it.
In the presidential campaign of 1912, Roosevelt “bolted” from the Republican party. It was hard for the older Republicans to follow him. While one occasionally found a follower of Roosevelt who was gray, one usually found the old Republicans standing by the old party, the younger ones joining the Progressive party. It is said that when Darwin published “The Origin of Species,” very few old men accepted the doctrine of evolution. The adherents of the new doctrine were nearly all young men. So there is such a thing as an intellectual habit. One comes to take a definite stand when facing certain definite intellectual situations.
Similar to the type of habits which we have called intellectual is another type which may be called “moral.” When we face the situation of reporting an occurrence, we can tell the truth or we can lie. We can build up the habit of meeting such situations by telling the truth on all occasions. We can learn to follow the maxim “Tell the truth at all times, at all hazards.” We can come to do this automatically, certainly, and without thought of doing anything else.
Most moral situations are fairly definite and clear-cut, and for them we can establish definite forms of response. We can form the habit of helping a person in distress, of helping a sick neighbor, of speaking well of a neighbor; we can form habits of industry, habits of perseverance. These and other similar habits are the basis of morality.
The various kinds of habits which we have enumerated are alike in certain fundamental particulars. In all of them there is a definite situation followed by a definite response. One sees the switch and turns off the light; he sees the expression “nine times nine” and says “eighty-one”; he sees a lady he knows and tips his hat; in meeting a carriage on the road, he turns to the right; when he has to vote, he votes a certain ticket; when he has to report an occurrence, he tells it as it happened. There is, in every case, a definite situation followed by a definite response.
Another characteristic is common to all the cases mentioned above, i.e. the response is acquired, it does not come at first. In every instance we might have learned to act differently. We could form the habit of always leaving the light burning; could just as easily say “nine times nine equals forty”; we could turn to the left; we could vote the Republican ticket. We can form bad moral habits as well as good ones, perhaps more easily. The point is, however, that we acquire definite ways of acting for the same situations, and these definite ways of acting are called habits.
Habit and Nerve-Path. It has already been stated that a habit is a tendency toward a certain type of action in a certain situation. The basis of this tendency is in the nervous system. In order to understand it we must consider what the nervous system is like. Nerves terminate at one end in a sense organ and at the other end ultimately in a muscle.
In Figure II, A is a sense organ, B a nerve going from the sense organ to the brain C. D, E, F, G, and H are motor nerves going from the brain to the muscles. Now, let us show from the diagram what organization means and what tendency means. At first when the child sees the expression “nine times nine,” he does not say “eighty-one.” The stimulus brings about no definite action. It is as likely to go out through E or F as
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