Man, Past and Present by Agustus Henry Keane, A. Hingston Quiggin, Alfred Court Haddon (free reads .TXT) π
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Even the existing anthropoids, although highly conservative both in brain development and general habits, show the beginning of the use of the hands, and trained anthropoids can perform quite elaborate acts. At a time when tough-rined tubers and fruits were still the main element of the diet the nascent Hominidae may have sought out the lairs and nesting places of many animals for the purpose of stealing the young and thus they may have learned to fight with and kill the enraged parents. They had also learned to fight in protecting their own nesting places and young. And possibly they killed both by biting, as in carnivores, and by strangling, or, in the case of a small animal, by dashing it violently down.
We may conceive that the Upper Tertiary ape-men, in the course of their dispersal from a south central Asiatic centre[1355], entered regions where flint-bearing formations were abundant. In some way they learned perhaps that these "Eolith" flints could be used to smash open the head of a small strangled animal, to crack open tough vegetables, or to mash substances into an edible condition. Much later, after the mental association of hand and flint had been well established, they may have struck at intruders with the flints with which they were preparing their food and in this way they may have learned to use the heavier flints as hand axes and daggers. At a very early date they learned to throw down heavy stones upon an object to smash it, and this led finally to the hurling of flints at men and small game. Very early also they had learned to swing a heavy piece of wood or a heavy bone as a weapon. For all such purposes shorter and stockier arms are more advantageous than the long slender arms of a semi-quadrupedal ancestral stage and I have argued above (p. 333) that a secondary shortening and thickening of the arms ensued.
One of the first medium-sized animals that the nascent Hominidae would be successful in killing was the wild boar, which in the Pleistocene had a wide Palaearctic distribution.
From the very first the ape-men were more or less social in habits and learned to hunt in packs. Whether the art of hunting began in south central Asia or in Europe, perhaps one of the first large animals that men learned to kill after they had invaded the open country was the horse, because, when a pack of men had surrounded a horse, a single good stroke with a coup-de-poing upon the brain-case might be sufficient to kill it.
I have argued above (p. 321) that the retraction of the dental arch and the reduction of the canines is not consistent with the use of meat as food, because men learned to use rough flints, in place of their teeth, to tear the flesh and to puncture the bones, and because the erect incisors, short canines and bicuspids were highly effective in securing a powerful hold upon the tough hide and connective tissue. It must be remembered that with a given muscular power small teeth are more easily forced into meat than large teeth.
After every feast there would be a residuum of hide and bones which would gradually assume economic value. The hides of animals were at first rudely stripped off simply to get at the meat. Small sharp-edged natural flints could be used for this purpose as well as to cut the sinews and flesh. After a time it was found that the furry sides of these hides were useful to cover the body at night or during a storm. Thus the initial stage in the making of clothes may have been a byproduct of the hunting habit.
Dr Matthew (loc. cit. pp. 211, 212) has well suggested that man may have learned to cover the body with the skins of animals in a cool temperate climate (such as that on the northern slopes of the Himalayas) and that afterward they were able to invade colder regions. The use of rough skins to cover the body must have caused exposure to new sources of annoyance and infection, but we cannot affirm that natural selection was the cause of the reduction of hair on the body and of the many correlated modifications of glandular activity. We can only affirm that a naked race of mammals must surely have had hairy ancestors and that the loss of hair on the body was probably subsequent to the adoption of predatory habits.
The food habits of the early Hominidae, and thus indirectly the jaws and teeth, were later modified through the use of fire for softening the food. Men had early learned to huddle round the dying embers of forest fires that had been started by lightning, to feed the fire-monster with branches, and to carry about firebrands. They learned eventually that frozen meat could be softened by exposing it to the fire. Thus the broiling and roasting of meat and vegetables might be learned even before the ways of kindling fire through percussion and friction had been discovered. But the full art of cooking and the subsequent stages in the reduction of the jaws and teeth in the higher races probably had to await the development of vessels for holding hot water, perhaps in neolithic times.
This account of the evolution of the food habits of the Hominidae will probably be condemned by experimentalists, who have adduced strong evidence for the doctrine that "acquired characters" cannot be inherited. But, whatever the explanation may be, it is a fact that progressive changes in food-habits and correlated changes in structure have occurred in thousands of phyla, the history of which is more or less fully known. Nobody with a practical knowledge of the mechanical interactions of the upper and lower teeth of mammals, or of the progressive changes in the evolution of shearing and grinding teeth, can doubt that the dentition has evolved pari passu with changes in food habits. Whether, as commonly supposed, the food habits changed before the dentition, or vice versa, the evidence appears to show that the Hominidae passed through the following stages of evolution:
A chiefly frugivorous stage, with large canines and parallel rows of cheek teeth (cf. Sivapithecus). A predatory, omnivorous stage, with reduced canines and convergent tooth rows (cf. Homo heidelbergensis). A stage in which the food is softened by cooking and the dentition is more or less reduced in size and retrograde in character, as in modernized types of H. sapiens.The following is an abbreviation of Gregory's arrangement of the Primates (pp. 266, 267).
Order Primates Suborder Lemuroidea Suborder Anthropoidea Series Platyrrhinae [New World monkeys] Fam. Cebidae Fam. Hapalidae [Marmosets] Series Catarrhinae [Old World monkeys] Fam. Parapithecidae [extinct] Fam. Cercopithecidae Fam. Simiidae Sub-fam. Hylobatinae [Gibbons] Sub-fam. Simiinae [Simians or Anthropoid apes]
By the courtesy of the author we are permitted to reproduce his provisional diagram of the phylogeny of the Hominidae and Simiidae (p. 337).
[Illustration]
The following explanation is offered for the convenience of those who may not be familiar with the technical terms here employed.
Simia, the genus containing the orang-utan.
Pan, a name occasionally employed for the genus containing the chimpanzee. Most authorities place the chimpanzee and the gorilla in the genus Anthropopithecus.
Hylobatinae, the sub-family containing the gibbons.
Palaeopithecus, Dryopithecus, Palaeosimia, and Sivapithecus are extinct simians.
Pan vetus is the name suggested by Miller[1356] for the supposed chimpanzee whose jaw was found associated with the Piltdown cranium. He says "The Piltdown remains include parts of a brain-case showing fundamental characters not hitherto known except in members of the genus Homo, and a mandible, two molars, and an upper canine showing equally diagnostic features hitherto unknown, except in members of the genus Pan [Anthropopithecus]. On the evidence furnished by these characters the fossils must be supposed to represent either a single individual belonging to an otherwise unknown extinct genus (Eoanthropus) or to two individuals belonging to two now-existing families (Hominidae and Pongidae)." He argues that the jaw was actually that of a chimpanzee and that the cranium was that of a true man, whom he terms Homo Dawsoni. Gregory accepts this hypothesis. W. P. Pycraft[1357] has submitted Miller's data and conclusions to searching criticism and bases his deductions on far more ample material than that at the disposal of Miller. He says "That the Piltdown jaw does present many points of striking resemblance to that of the chimpanzee is beyond dispute. Dr Smith Woodward pointed out these resemblances long ago, in his original description of the jaw. But Mr Miller contends that because of these resemblances therefore it is the jaw of a chimpanzee" (loc. cit. p. 408). Pycraft points out that there is more variability in the jaws of chimpanzees than Miller was aware of, and that most of the features of the Piltdown jaw are well within the limits of human variation; in discussing the conformation of the inner surface of the body of the jaw he says "Between the two extremes seen in the jaws of chimpanzees every gradation will be found, but in no case would there be any possibility of confusing the Piltdown fragment, or any similar fragment of a modern human jaw, with similar fragments of chimpanzee jaws" (p. 407).
FOOTNOTES:
[1352] A. Keith, "On the Chimpanzees and their Relationship to the Gorilla," Proc. Zool. Soc. London, 1899, I. p. 296.
[1353] Science, Vol. XLII. Dec. 10, 1915, p. 843.
[1354] A. H. Keane, Ethnology, 1901, p. 111.
[1355] W. D. Matthew, "Climate and Evolution," Ann. New York Acad. Sci. XXIV. 1915, pp. 210, 214.
[1356] Gerrit S. Miller, "The Jaw of Piltdown Man," Smithsonian Misc. Coll. Vol. 65, No. 12, 1915.
[1357] "The Jaw of the Piltdown Man, a Reply to Mr Gerrit S. Miller," Science Progress, No. 43, 1917, p. 389.
INDEX
Thanks are due to Hilary and Patrick Quiggin for help in the preparation, and to Miss L. Whitehouse for help in the revision, of the index.
Ababdeh, the, 483
Abaka, the, 78
Abbadie, A. d', 123
Abbot, W. J. L., 7
Abipone, the, 420
Abkhasian language, the, 541
Abnaki, the, 354, 375, and map, pp. 334-5
Abo, the, 117
Abor, the, 170 n.
Abud, H. M., 484 sq.
Abydos, excavations at, 481
Abyssinians, the, 468 sq.
Achaeans, the, 463, 466, 533 sq.
Acheulean culture, 11, 14
Achinese, the, 223, 238 sq.
Acolhuas, the, 342, 394
Acoma, the, 382 n.
Adam, L., 283, 415 n.
Adelung, J. C., 127 n.
Aderbaijani, the, 312
Aegean, the, culture of, 25 sq., 463 sqq., 467 sq., 501 sq.; prehistoric chronology of, 27; race, 466
Aeneolithic period, 21, 460
Aeta, the, 138, 149, 156 sqq., and Pl. II fig. 3
Afars, the, 468 sq., 484 sqq.
Afghans, the, 542 sq., 546
Ahoms, the, 192
Ahtena, the, 361, and map, pp. 334-5
Aimaks, the, 312
Aimores. See Botocudos
Ainu, the, 289, 294 sq., and Pl. VII figs. 1, 2
Akkadians, the, 261 sqq., 264
Akua. See Cherentes
Alakalufs, the, 411; language of, 413
Alans, the, 312, 540
Albanians, the, 532, 538 sq.
Algonquian linguistic stock, the, 342, 347, 354 sq., 370 sqq., 381
Algonquin, the, 347 n. and map, pp. 334-5
Alldridge, T. J., 56 n.
Alpine race, the, 449, 452 sq., Pl. XI figs. 3, 4, 6, and Pl. XIV figs. 3-6; in the Morea, 465; in Western Asia, 498, 504; in Scandinavia, 509; in Germany, 509 sq.; in France, 510, 525 sqq.; in the Tyrol, 512; and the Celts, 514 sq.; in Britain, 516 sqq.; in Italy, 529; in Russia, 539 sq.; in Irania, 541 sqq.; in Central Asia, 544 sq.; in India, 547 sq.
Altamira cave art, 13
Alur, the, 79
Ama-Fingu, the, 102
Ama-Tembu, the, 104
Ama-Xosa, the, 101
Ama-Zulu, the, 101
Amias, the, 250
Ammon, O., 511
Ammonites, the, 490
Amorites, the, 489 sq., 493, 545
Anau, exploration of, 257 sq.
Andaman Islanders, the, 138, 149 sqq., 155, 158, and Pl. II fig. 1
Anderson, J. D., 546 n.
Anderson, John, 186 n.
Andi language, the, 541
Andrae, W., 264 n.
Angami Naga, the, 178; language, 177
A-Ngoni, the, 102
Annamese, the, 180, 202 sqq.
Annandale, N., 153, 222 n.
Anorohoro, the, 242
Ansariyeh, the, 497
Antankarana, the, 241
Antimerina. See Hova
Anu, the, 197
Anuchin, A., 289
Apaches, the, 342, 354, 383
Aquitani, the, 525
Arabs, the, 468, 470 sqq., 480, 488, 495, 498 sqq.
Arakanese, the, 180
Aramaeans, the, 489 sq.
Aramka, the, 73
Arapaho, the, 354, 370, 372, 374, and map, pp.
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