Dawn of All by Robert Hugh Benson (highly illogical behavior .txt) π
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where the sheet placard was erected, was a gathering, surging mob, increasing as they looked. From the left, from behind the west end of the cathedral clock a continual stream poured in, met by two others, the one, down the avenue, of figures that ran and gesticulated, the other from the direction of Victoria Street. And from the whole arose gusts of cheering, marking the pauses in the speech of some tiny figure which, mounted beside the news-sheet, appeared to be delivering a speech.
Monsignor glanced at the news-sheet, and there, in gigantic letters, over the space where the weather had been discussed just now, was the announcement made public at the very instant when the leader of the English Socialists was attempting to discover the truth of the rumour that had reached him:--
THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY WAS RECEIVED INTO THE CATHOLIC CHURCH ON THURSDAY EVENING.
And beneath it:
PROCLAMATION TO THE SOCIALISTS EXPECTED TO-NIGHT.
Monsignor read it, unconscious of all else except the astounding fact. Then he turned to speak, but found himself alone.
(IV)
London went soberly mad with enthusiasm that night, and Monsignor Masterman, standing on the cathedral roofs with half a dozen priests, watched what could be seen of the excitement for half an hour, before going downstairs for the Te Deum in the great church.
The cathedral was, indeed, largely, the centre round which the-enthusiasm concentrated itself. Two other whirlpools eddied in Parliament Square, and round St. Paul's, where the Archbishop of London preached a sermon from the steps. Even these facts, although in a sense he knew they must be so, drove home into the priest's mind the realization of how the Church was, once again, as five hundred years ago, the centre and not merely a department of the national life.
In every direction, as he leaned over Ambrosden Avenue, as he looked down Francis Street to right and left, everywhere nothing of the streets was visible under the steadily moving pavement of heads. Every space between the tall houses resembled the flow of an intricate stream, with its currents, its eddies, its back-waters, beneath the clear radiance of the artificial light. Here and there actors were seen gesticulating in dumb show, for all sounds were drowned in the steady subdued roar of voices. There was no delirium, no horse-play; the citizens were too well disciplined. Occasionally from this point or that a storm of cheering broke out as some great man was recognized.
About half-past nine mounted policemen began to make their appearance from Victoria Street, and an open way was gradually formed leading to a cleared space in front of the Cathedral. Ten minutes later cars began to follow, as the great folks began to arrive for the Te Deum, and almost simultaneously the bells broke out, led by the solemn crash of the great "St. Edward" from the campanile.
(V)
They read in the morning the full text of the proclamation to the Socialists.
As Monsignor Masterman carne up from breakfast, he felt his arm taken, and there was Father Jervis, his clever old face lit up by excitement. He too carried a morning paper under his arm.
"I want to have a talk with you about this," he said, "Have you seen the Cardinal yet?"
"I'm to see him at ten. I feel perfectly helpless. I don't understand in the least."
"Have you read it through yet?"
"No, I glanced at it only. I wish you'd help me through, father."
The old priest nodded.
"Well, we'll read every word of it first,"
As they passed into the sitting-room, the prelate slipped forward the little door-plate that announced that he was within, but engaged. Then, without a word, they sat down, and there was dead silence for twenty minutes, broken only by the rustle of turning pages, and an occasional murmur of raised voices from the groups that still wandered round the Cathedral--pools of that vast river that had filled every channel last night. Father Jervis uttered a small exclamation once or twice.
Monsignor laid down the sheets at last and sighed.
"Finished, father?"
"Oh, yes! I've been re-reading. Now let us talk."
Father Jervis turned back to the front page, settled the paper on his knee, and leaned back.
"The main point is this," he said. "Repressive measures will be passed in Germany, as soon as the act can be got through. That will mean that Germany will be brought up into line with the rest of Europe, America, Australia, and half Asia, throughout her whole empire. That will mean again that our own repressive measures will really and truly be put into force. At present they are largely inoperative."
"How do you mean?"
"Well, we've got laws against things like blasphemy and heresy, and particularly the dissemination of heresy, and all the rest; but they're practically never put into force except in very flagrant cases. For instance, Socialist and infidel speeches can be delivered freely in what are called private houses, which are really clubs. Well, that sort of thing cannot possibly go on. The infidels have complained of tyranny, of course--that's part of the game. As a matter of fact they've been perfectly free, unless they gave actually public offence. They've distributed their pamphlets and done what they liked. Well, of course it was impossible to be really strict so long as Germany was lax. They could always meet in Berlin, and have their pamphlets printed there; and we could do nothing. But, you see, the whole situation's changed with the Emperor's conversion. He's one of those heavy, consistent men--quite stupid, of course--who act their principles right out to the farthest detail. So long as he was agnostic he allowed almost anything to go on. And now he's a Christian he'll understand that that must stop. He's responsible before God, you see, as the ruler----"
"But the people. What of the people?"
Father Jervis stared.
"The people? Why, they're the ruled, aren't they?"
"But--er--democracy----"
"Democracy? Why, no one believes in that, of course. How could they?"
"Go on, father."
"But, Monsignor, you must get that clear. You must remember we're really educated people, not half-educated."
Monsignor twitched with irritation. He could not understand even yet.
"Father, do you mean that the people won't resent this sudden change of front on the part of the Emperor? Certainly, if they're really liberally-minded they'll tolerate his following his own conscience. But how can they justify his suddenly dictating to them?"
The priest leaned forward a little. His old manner came back, and once more he spoke to Monsignor as to a child.
"Monsignor, listen carefully, please. I assure you you're completely out of date. What the German people will say now is this: 'Up to now the Emperor has been agnostic, and therefore he has not allowed any laws against heresy. Now he is a Catholic, and therefore he will cause laws to be passed against heresy.'"
"And they won't resent that?" snapped the prelate, now thoroughly irritated.
Father Jervis lifted a pacific hand.
"My dear friend, the Germans--like all other educated nations--believe that their ruler is meant by God to rule them. And they also believe that Catholicism is the true religion. Very well, then. When a ruler is Catholic they obey him implicitly, because they know that he will be kept straight in all matters of right and wrong by the Pope, who is the Representative of God. In non-vital matters they will obey him because he is their ruler, and therefore they are bound in conscience to do so."
"And when the ruler is not Catholic?"
"Again, in non-vital matters they will obey him. And in vital matters--supposing, that is, he passed a law against Christianity (which, of course, nowadays no man could certainly do)--then they would appeal to the Pope, and, if the law was enforced, disobey it and take the penalties."
"Then the Pope is the real ruler--the final court of appeal?"
"Certainly. Who else should be? Isn't he the Vicar of Christ?"
There was a pause.
"There," said the priest more easily. "And now we really must get back to the point. I said just now that the conversion of the Emperor will mean a tightening up of repressive measures against the infidels everywhere. They won't be allowed to congregate, or disseminate their views any longer."
"Yes?"
"Well, the point is, what will happen? There must be an explosion or a safety-valve. And even if there is an explosion there must be a safety-valve afterwards, or there will be another explosion."
"What you told me about America----"
"That was on the tip of my tongue," said Father Jervis. "And I expect that'll be the solution."
"Let's see," said Monsignor reflectively, "you told me there were certain cities in America where infidels were tacitly allowed to have things their own way--I think you mentioned Boston?"
"I did."
"And you think that that will be officially authorized now--I mean that there will be definite colonies where the infidels will be allowed complete liberty?"
"Under restrictions--yes."
"What sort of restrictions?"
"Well, they won't be allowed to have an army or an aery----"
"Eh?"
"An aery," repeated Father Jervis--"an air-fleet, I mean. That wouldn't do: they might make war."
"I see."
"I don't see what better safety-valve could be suggested. They could work out their own ideas there as much as they liked. Of course, details would come later."
"And the rest of the Proclamation?" asked the other, lifting the sheet.
"I think we've got at the essentials," said the priest, glancing again at his own copy, "and at the immediate results. Of course, all his other measures don't come into force till the Houses pass them. In fact, nothing of the Proclamation has force until that happens. I expect the Bill for the Establishment of Catholicism will take some time. We shall get ours through before that. They'll pass a few small measures immediately, no doubt--as to the Court chaplains and so on."
There was a pause.
"I really think we've got at the principles," said the priest again, meditatively. "Are they clear to you?"
Monsignor rose.
"I think so," he said. "I'm very much obliged, Father. I'm sorry I was stupid just now; but you know it's extraordinarily bewildering to me. I still don't seem to be able to grasp all you said about Democracy."
The old priest smiled reassuringly.
"Well, you see, the universal franchise reduced Democracy ad absurdum fifty years ago. Even the uneducated saw that. And then there came the reaction to the old king-idea again."
Monsignor shook his head.
"I don't see how the people ever consented to give up the power when once they'd got it."
"Why, in the same way that kings used to lose it in the old days--by revolution."
"Revolution? Who revolted?"
"The many who were tyrannised over by the few. For that's what democracy really means."
Monsignor smiled at what he conceived to be a paradox.
"Well, I must go to the Cardinal," he said. "It's just on ten o'clock."
CHAPTER II
(I)
It was three weeks later that the Benedictines took formal possession of Westminster Abbey, and simultaneously that Pontifical High Mass was sung in the University churches of Oxford, Cambridge, and Durham, to mark the inauguration of their new life.
Monsignor Masterman was appointed to attend upon the Cardinals in the Abbey; and as he awoke that morning, it seemed to him once more as if he were living in
Monsignor glanced at the news-sheet, and there, in gigantic letters, over the space where the weather had been discussed just now, was the announcement made public at the very instant when the leader of the English Socialists was attempting to discover the truth of the rumour that had reached him:--
THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY WAS RECEIVED INTO THE CATHOLIC CHURCH ON THURSDAY EVENING.
And beneath it:
PROCLAMATION TO THE SOCIALISTS EXPECTED TO-NIGHT.
Monsignor read it, unconscious of all else except the astounding fact. Then he turned to speak, but found himself alone.
(IV)
London went soberly mad with enthusiasm that night, and Monsignor Masterman, standing on the cathedral roofs with half a dozen priests, watched what could be seen of the excitement for half an hour, before going downstairs for the Te Deum in the great church.
The cathedral was, indeed, largely, the centre round which the-enthusiasm concentrated itself. Two other whirlpools eddied in Parliament Square, and round St. Paul's, where the Archbishop of London preached a sermon from the steps. Even these facts, although in a sense he knew they must be so, drove home into the priest's mind the realization of how the Church was, once again, as five hundred years ago, the centre and not merely a department of the national life.
In every direction, as he leaned over Ambrosden Avenue, as he looked down Francis Street to right and left, everywhere nothing of the streets was visible under the steadily moving pavement of heads. Every space between the tall houses resembled the flow of an intricate stream, with its currents, its eddies, its back-waters, beneath the clear radiance of the artificial light. Here and there actors were seen gesticulating in dumb show, for all sounds were drowned in the steady subdued roar of voices. There was no delirium, no horse-play; the citizens were too well disciplined. Occasionally from this point or that a storm of cheering broke out as some great man was recognized.
About half-past nine mounted policemen began to make their appearance from Victoria Street, and an open way was gradually formed leading to a cleared space in front of the Cathedral. Ten minutes later cars began to follow, as the great folks began to arrive for the Te Deum, and almost simultaneously the bells broke out, led by the solemn crash of the great "St. Edward" from the campanile.
(V)
They read in the morning the full text of the proclamation to the Socialists.
As Monsignor Masterman carne up from breakfast, he felt his arm taken, and there was Father Jervis, his clever old face lit up by excitement. He too carried a morning paper under his arm.
"I want to have a talk with you about this," he said, "Have you seen the Cardinal yet?"
"I'm to see him at ten. I feel perfectly helpless. I don't understand in the least."
"Have you read it through yet?"
"No, I glanced at it only. I wish you'd help me through, father."
The old priest nodded.
"Well, we'll read every word of it first,"
As they passed into the sitting-room, the prelate slipped forward the little door-plate that announced that he was within, but engaged. Then, without a word, they sat down, and there was dead silence for twenty minutes, broken only by the rustle of turning pages, and an occasional murmur of raised voices from the groups that still wandered round the Cathedral--pools of that vast river that had filled every channel last night. Father Jervis uttered a small exclamation once or twice.
Monsignor laid down the sheets at last and sighed.
"Finished, father?"
"Oh, yes! I've been re-reading. Now let us talk."
Father Jervis turned back to the front page, settled the paper on his knee, and leaned back.
"The main point is this," he said. "Repressive measures will be passed in Germany, as soon as the act can be got through. That will mean that Germany will be brought up into line with the rest of Europe, America, Australia, and half Asia, throughout her whole empire. That will mean again that our own repressive measures will really and truly be put into force. At present they are largely inoperative."
"How do you mean?"
"Well, we've got laws against things like blasphemy and heresy, and particularly the dissemination of heresy, and all the rest; but they're practically never put into force except in very flagrant cases. For instance, Socialist and infidel speeches can be delivered freely in what are called private houses, which are really clubs. Well, that sort of thing cannot possibly go on. The infidels have complained of tyranny, of course--that's part of the game. As a matter of fact they've been perfectly free, unless they gave actually public offence. They've distributed their pamphlets and done what they liked. Well, of course it was impossible to be really strict so long as Germany was lax. They could always meet in Berlin, and have their pamphlets printed there; and we could do nothing. But, you see, the whole situation's changed with the Emperor's conversion. He's one of those heavy, consistent men--quite stupid, of course--who act their principles right out to the farthest detail. So long as he was agnostic he allowed almost anything to go on. And now he's a Christian he'll understand that that must stop. He's responsible before God, you see, as the ruler----"
"But the people. What of the people?"
Father Jervis stared.
"The people? Why, they're the ruled, aren't they?"
"But--er--democracy----"
"Democracy? Why, no one believes in that, of course. How could they?"
"Go on, father."
"But, Monsignor, you must get that clear. You must remember we're really educated people, not half-educated."
Monsignor twitched with irritation. He could not understand even yet.
"Father, do you mean that the people won't resent this sudden change of front on the part of the Emperor? Certainly, if they're really liberally-minded they'll tolerate his following his own conscience. But how can they justify his suddenly dictating to them?"
The priest leaned forward a little. His old manner came back, and once more he spoke to Monsignor as to a child.
"Monsignor, listen carefully, please. I assure you you're completely out of date. What the German people will say now is this: 'Up to now the Emperor has been agnostic, and therefore he has not allowed any laws against heresy. Now he is a Catholic, and therefore he will cause laws to be passed against heresy.'"
"And they won't resent that?" snapped the prelate, now thoroughly irritated.
Father Jervis lifted a pacific hand.
"My dear friend, the Germans--like all other educated nations--believe that their ruler is meant by God to rule them. And they also believe that Catholicism is the true religion. Very well, then. When a ruler is Catholic they obey him implicitly, because they know that he will be kept straight in all matters of right and wrong by the Pope, who is the Representative of God. In non-vital matters they will obey him because he is their ruler, and therefore they are bound in conscience to do so."
"And when the ruler is not Catholic?"
"Again, in non-vital matters they will obey him. And in vital matters--supposing, that is, he passed a law against Christianity (which, of course, nowadays no man could certainly do)--then they would appeal to the Pope, and, if the law was enforced, disobey it and take the penalties."
"Then the Pope is the real ruler--the final court of appeal?"
"Certainly. Who else should be? Isn't he the Vicar of Christ?"
There was a pause.
"There," said the priest more easily. "And now we really must get back to the point. I said just now that the conversion of the Emperor will mean a tightening up of repressive measures against the infidels everywhere. They won't be allowed to congregate, or disseminate their views any longer."
"Yes?"
"Well, the point is, what will happen? There must be an explosion or a safety-valve. And even if there is an explosion there must be a safety-valve afterwards, or there will be another explosion."
"What you told me about America----"
"That was on the tip of my tongue," said Father Jervis. "And I expect that'll be the solution."
"Let's see," said Monsignor reflectively, "you told me there were certain cities in America where infidels were tacitly allowed to have things their own way--I think you mentioned Boston?"
"I did."
"And you think that that will be officially authorized now--I mean that there will be definite colonies where the infidels will be allowed complete liberty?"
"Under restrictions--yes."
"What sort of restrictions?"
"Well, they won't be allowed to have an army or an aery----"
"Eh?"
"An aery," repeated Father Jervis--"an air-fleet, I mean. That wouldn't do: they might make war."
"I see."
"I don't see what better safety-valve could be suggested. They could work out their own ideas there as much as they liked. Of course, details would come later."
"And the rest of the Proclamation?" asked the other, lifting the sheet.
"I think we've got at the essentials," said the priest, glancing again at his own copy, "and at the immediate results. Of course, all his other measures don't come into force till the Houses pass them. In fact, nothing of the Proclamation has force until that happens. I expect the Bill for the Establishment of Catholicism will take some time. We shall get ours through before that. They'll pass a few small measures immediately, no doubt--as to the Court chaplains and so on."
There was a pause.
"I really think we've got at the principles," said the priest again, meditatively. "Are they clear to you?"
Monsignor rose.
"I think so," he said. "I'm very much obliged, Father. I'm sorry I was stupid just now; but you know it's extraordinarily bewildering to me. I still don't seem to be able to grasp all you said about Democracy."
The old priest smiled reassuringly.
"Well, you see, the universal franchise reduced Democracy ad absurdum fifty years ago. Even the uneducated saw that. And then there came the reaction to the old king-idea again."
Monsignor shook his head.
"I don't see how the people ever consented to give up the power when once they'd got it."
"Why, in the same way that kings used to lose it in the old days--by revolution."
"Revolution? Who revolted?"
"The many who were tyrannised over by the few. For that's what democracy really means."
Monsignor smiled at what he conceived to be a paradox.
"Well, I must go to the Cardinal," he said. "It's just on ten o'clock."
CHAPTER II
(I)
It was three weeks later that the Benedictines took formal possession of Westminster Abbey, and simultaneously that Pontifical High Mass was sung in the University churches of Oxford, Cambridge, and Durham, to mark the inauguration of their new life.
Monsignor Masterman was appointed to attend upon the Cardinals in the Abbey; and as he awoke that morning, it seemed to him once more as if he were living in
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