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overlooked, and later the crafty Antonio Pรฉrez, always on the watch, knew how to make capital out of it.

Meanwhile the Moors were reassured by the humane and generous conduct of D. John. They trusted him absolutely, and daily the fugitives returned to their houses, and Moors of the country descended from the mountains to sell bread, meat, eggs, olives, fish, beef, mutton, and a thousand other things, as peacefully and with as much confidence and security as they would in an ordinary market. There still remained, however, a garrison of Turks in Biserta; but the Moor Horrus, who was the Alcaide, surprised them with a few neighbours, and beheaded them all. He then took a fine Turkish galley which was in the port, killing some of the crew, making slaves of others, and giving liberty to the 156 Christian captives on board. Having accomplished this feat, the twenty-two Moorish magnates went to Tunis, with the Christian captives, to deliver them up to D. John, and to make their submission to him.

This happened on the 13th of October, and on the 14th D. John, satisfied as to the submission of the kingdom, publicly gave it over to the Prince Muley Hamet; not with the title of King of Tunis, but with that of Governor in the name of His Catholic Majesty D. Philip II, King of Spain. He also wrote the same day to Goletta, giving D. Juan de Cardona orders to embark on a galley for Palermo, and gave another as an escort to the dethroned King Muley Hamida and his son, and all the other Moors of his suite who cared to follow them. At first the proud Moor refused to embark, but, convinced by his son and by those about him that resistance would be futile, he allowed himself to be taken on the galley without resistance. He was wrapped in a long mulberry-coloured cloak, with a white burnous over it, with the hood drawn, hiding his face with its swollen features. He was swarthy, with an evil countenance and a scanty beard. He walked slowly and with much dignity, his arms crossed, and his eyes fixed on the African soil which he was treading for the last time. When he embarked on the galley from the boat he received a salute of two cannons, and the crew gave theirs also, which they called "de forzado." Then his African impassiveness broke down, and he burst into tears, saying bitterly in Arabic, "King without a crown, man without freedom, salutes are unbecoming to you." Such was the King Muley Hamida, whom Cervantes calls "the cruellest and bravest Moor in the world."

Tunis quieted and the Moors content with their new government, D. John returned to Goletta and began the preparations for his departure. He left 8000 men divided between Goletta, Tunis, Biserta and the island where they were beginning the new fort, and named as Generals of these garrisons D. Pedro Portocarrero, Gabrio Cervelloni, D. Francisco de Avila, and D. Juan Zagonera. This done, he embarked on the 24th of October in the evening, taking with him all the remainder of the army, except the Marquรฉs de Santa Cruz, who remained with the galleys under his command as rearguard. At Palermo he learnt of the death of Princess Juana, which had taken place at the Escorial on the 8th of September. The loss of this beloved sister affected D. John very much, and those of his household saw him, in the privacy of his room, cry like a child, which proves that bravery and energy are not weakened by feelings and the tears which spring from pure and tender affections. He ordered funeral rites in the churches, and the fleet to go into mourning, painting and hanging with black the masts, yards, oars and bulwarks of the ships.

This mourning, however, did not prevent the great reception D. John received in Naples. It was something like the solemn triumphs of the Roman conquerors of old; nor did the procession lack captive kings and princes, to wit, Muley Hamida and his son, or strange wild beasts of other countries, represented by the lion Austria, who walked at D. John's stirrups, led by two strong Nubians who waited on it, without its seeming surprised or put out by the bands, salutes, or the shouting of the mixed multitude which accompanied D. John all the way from the mole to the palace.

D. John entered Naples on the 12th of November, and on the 13th Juan de Soto left for Rome on a secret mission, to tell the Pope from D. John that the Tunis expedition was ended as far as it concerned him, and that if the Pope still intended to give him the kingdom as he had offered to do, that he should interpose his good offices with Philip II, so that D. John might accept it without any disloyalty and with Philip's absolute consent. The ambassador D. Juan de Zรบรฑiga knew of the arrival of Soto in Rome, and although he did not know the reason, he hastened to apprise Philip II of the fact, who by it was filled with suspicion and fresh jealousy. He was, however, soon enlightened, as in a day or two the Nuncio Ormanetto, Bishop of Padua, presented himself on a special mission on behalf of Gregory XIII, and explained very minutely the Pope's plans for the kingdom of Tunis and for D. John, urging strongly that they should be approved and favoured. D. Philip listened attentively, and as if these plans were not for the good of all Christendom, but only for the benefit of D. John of Austria. He thanked His Holiness very much for the interest that he took in his brother, and charged the Nuncio to say so to Gregory XIII.

Three days later he wrote a letter to his brother, of which Lorenzo Vander-Hammen makes a precis thus:

"That he was not to be anxious about his person or promotion, as he would see to that as of one so near to him, but that this was not the time until it was seen what would be the result of the past expedition, nor could it be of use or value, but rather a great vexation and care to all; that he would consider the matter well as the case demanded, and if it were advisable he would be the first to assist in its execution, as he desired it."

CHAPTER VII

Philip II was much annoyed at the result of his interview with the Nuncio Ormanetto, because he saw that the Pope was seriously thinking of raising D. John from his dependent position by giving him a crown, and that D. John, on his part, would go as far as his chivalrous loyalty permitted. Antonio Pรฉrez confirmed the King's fears, making him see that the preservation of the forts of Tunis contrary to D. Philip's opinion, and Juan de Soto's secret journey to Rome, were acts of real independence; and, although he did not dare to accuse D. John openly, he threw the blame on the secretary Soto, attributing everything to his influence and intrigues, and again insisted on the necessity of separating D. John from such a dangerous adviser, and of substituting for him an energetic, temperate man, who would know how to moderate these fiery ambitions. This temperate, energetic man whom Pรฉrez now ventured to propose was Juan de Escovedo, a former retainer of the Prince of ร‰voli and completely his creature, who was then secretary of the King at the Treasury.

All this irritated and perplexed D. Philip. He did not wish to vex the Pope, whose disinterestedness and holy aims he well knew; nor did he wish either to deprive his brother of all hope, because, although he did not doubt D. John's loyalty, he was afraid, having become suspicious, of subjecting it to undue proof.

In this difficulty he judged very wisely that the danger would cease with the opportunity, and he resolved to get rid, as far as possible, of "this care and worry of Tunis," and in this sense wrote to D. John the letter which we have already quoted. He also decided to follow the advice of Antonio Pรฉrez, appointing Juan de Escovedo as secretary to D. John; and as his natural prudence and judgment saw no reason for injuring Juan de Soto, or motive for depriving himself of Soto's useful services elsewhere, he confirmed him in the appointment of Commissary of the Fleet in Italy, which was both an honourable and lucrative post.

So Juan de Escovedo set out to join D. John at Naples, bearing express orders from the King and strong recommendations from Antonio Pรฉrez, to moderate D. John's ambitious aspirations, and reduce him to a mere instrument of the policy of his brother, without any views of his own. This man, celebrated afterwards for the gloomy drama of which he was the victim, was then between forty-five and fifty years old. He appeared rather a clownish peasant from anywhere than a noble of the Asturias. He was of middle height, thick-set, with heavy shoulders, and so swarthy and bilious-looking, that in the secret correspondence of Philip II and Antonio Pรฉrez he is often designated by the name of "verdinegro" (the dark green one). However, he compensated with interest for his rough ways and absolute want of manners by his generous, unselfish nature, his sterling honesty, clear understanding, and energetic activity, which rendered him capable of facing all obstacles. Ruy Gรณmez and Luis Quijada esteemed him much and the latter honoured him not a little in his lifetime, and Doรฑa Magdalena de Ulloa had retained, in her retirement, such a happy recollection of his honesty and uprightness, that no sooner did she hear of his new appointment than she hastened to write him the following letter:

"Illustrious Sir; I desire to write to you to tell you the pleasure that it gives me to see you in the company of the Lord D. John, because I desire nothing in the world so much as to see such persons about him, for I know the necessity he has of this, and how he will profit by it, and as H.H. does not neglect to keep me informed, I have begged him to make the duty over to you, whom I ask to write by every post whatever you think that I might care to hear about D. John and what he does, and I also beg of you that no post should leave without bringing me information, because if this is not carried out, and the post comes with nothing, it gives me a great shock, and you can send the letters to the house of D. Pedro Manuel, and I will reply by the same means or as you may direct; and because I think that, although it will be a trouble to you, you will do it as a favour to me, I end by praying Our Lord to give you as good a journey and as much success as I wish you. May Our Lord keep and prosper your illustrious person as I wish. At your service,

Doรฑa Magdalena de Ulloa."

Gregory XIII, on his part, never wavered in his ideas, and losing all hope that Philip II would help him in his plans for the kingdom of Tunis, he turned to another scheme which had been a failure in the time of Pius V, but which he desired to resuscitate with fresh life and vigour by confiding its execution to D. John of Austria, "because of his valour and good fortune," quoth the Pontiff, who matured in silence his secret project, which was to bring so much good to Christendom and so much glory to D. John, and until he could divulge it he contented himself with lavishing proofs of esteem and affection on him, such as were then only shown to kings and reigning princes.

In March of that year, 1574, he sent to Naples by his Chamberlain the Golden Rose, blessed on Palm Sunday, which, according to ancient custom, the Pope was in the habit of sending to the king or queen who had deserved the most gratitude from the Holy See during the year. This unusual honour frightened the Viceroy of Naples, Cardinal de Granvelle, who was no friend of D. John, and he hastened to apprise Philip II of the fact. The Chamberlain arrived at Naples with the Golden Rose on the 24th of March, and on the 25th the solemn presentation took place in the church of St. Clara. The friars of St. Clara, great admirers of D. John, put a crimson velvet carpet on the Gospel side, to receive him, with a chair and curtain, as they would have done for an Infante of Spain. Granvelle knew of this, but held his tongue and let it pass, in order to have something against D. John, if he had accepted the honour; but he, warned in time, ordered the canopy to be removed and another chair to be placed at the

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