William Pitt and the Great War by John Holland Rose (book club reads txt) π
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Batteries and martello towers were designed for its protection
especially around Hythe and Dymchurch. At the latter place were sluices
for flooding the marsh. Criticisms have fallen freely upon Pitt's canal,
the report gaining currency that it was intended for the conveyance of
military stores. Its true purpose was to isolate the most vulnerable
part of the coast and to form a barrier which would at least delay an
invader until reinforcements arrived. In its original condition it was
an excellent first line of defence of South Kent; and, unless the French
flotilla brought over pontoons, it formed a barrier not easily
penetrable, which fully justified its comparatively small cost.
The same remarks apply to the martello towers. The responsibility for
them rests mainly with Colonel Twiss and Captain Ford, who in the summer
of 1803 recommended their construction at exposed points of the shore,
at a cost of about Β£3,000 apiece. The experience of our troops in
Corsica showed that such towers, even when held by small garrisons,
could hold at bay a greatly superior force.[694] The towers were begun
soon afterwards; but those in Pevensey Bay were not undertaken till
1805-6. The first points to be defended were those nearest to France.
In the winter of 1804-5 there was need to strengthen the coast defences;
for the declaration of war by Spain placed the whole of the coast line
from the Texel to Toulon at Napoleon's disposal for shipbuilding. There
seemed therefore every prospect of our being finally overwhelmed at sea,
a consummation which the French Emperor might have ensured had he
refrained from irritating the monarchs of Russia and Austria.
Fortunately for England, his nature was too restless and domineering to
admit of the necessary concentration of effort on the naval problem; and
that besetting sin, megalomania, marred prospects which then seemed
easily realizable. Playing with coolness and patience, he had the game
in his hands in 1804, when as yet there was little prospect of an
Anglo-Russian alliance.
An offensive alliance of Spain with France was the natural result of the
treaty of 1796 between the two Powers. In vain did the luxurious
Charles IV and his pampered minion, Godoy, Prince of the Peace, seek to
evade their obligations. Under threat of a French invasion they gave way
and agreed to pay 72,000,000 francs a year into the French exchequer,
and to force the hand of Portugal. That little Power purchased immunity
for a time by paying an annual subsidy of 12,000,000 francs to France.
Spain also repaired French warships which took refuge at Ferrol in July
1804, and allowed reinforcements to their crews to travel thither
overland. When Pitt and Harrowby remonstrated on this conduct, Spain
armed as if for war; and in answer to inquiries from London, Godoy
alleged certain disputes with the United States as the cause of his
alarm. The arrival in London of Frere, our ambassador at Madrid, on 17th
September 1804 revealed the unreality of this excuse; for he reported
that Spain had previously decided to yield on that question. As the
Spanish fleet was evidently preparing to cooperate with that of
Napoleon, Pitt resolved to deal the blow which Chatham was not allowed
to deliver in 1761. The weak point of Spain was her treasure fleet;
there was an inner fitness in wrenching from her the gold which was soon
to go into Napoleon's coffers.
On Tuesday, 18th September, the Cabinet assembled, Eldon, Camden,
Hawkesbury, Melville, Mulgrave, and Pitt being present. In view of the
news brought by Frere, and other tidings from Rear-Admiral Cochrane off
Ferrol, Ministers decided to order Cochrane closely to blockade that
port, preventing both French and Spanish ships from sailing out. Admiral
Cornwallis, then blockading Brest, was to reinforce Cochrane, thereby
assuring the capture of the Spanish treasure ships bound from South
America to Cadiz.[695] Pitt at once reported this decision to Harrowby,
then in attendance on the King at Weymouth, and urged a speedy
ratification of it.[696] Hence without delay the order went forth which
enlarged the area of strife. The four frigates despatched for the
seizure of the treasure-ships were not so superior in force to the
convoying corvettes as to avert a conflict. One of the Spanish ships
blew up: the others surrendered (5th October 1804). Resenting this
outrage, Spain declared war on 12th December.[697] Pitt did not consider
the capture of the treasure-ships as necessarily involving war, but
rather as a sharp warning, called for by the hostile conduct of Spain;
for on 23rd September he wrote to Harrowby stating that they must wait
for the Spanish answer to our ultimatum, and in the meantime Spanish
merchantmen might leave British ports unmolested.[698]
The seizure of the Spanish treasure-ships caused resentment at St.
Petersburg until the causes of Britain's action were more fully known.
But the event did not long delay a good understanding. The prospect of
Sicily falling a prey to the French army of occupation in South Italy
alarmed both the Czar Alexander and Pitt. The former was bound by a
Convention signed in 1798 to befriend the Neapolitan Court; and it was
also to his interest to prevent France dominating the Mediterranean and
expelling the Russians from Corfu. He therefore demanded from Napoleon
the evacuation of Italy and North Germany, a suitable compensation for
the King of Sardinia for the loss of his mainland possessions, and the
recognition of the complete neutrality of the Germanic Empire. Far from
complying with these demands, Napoleon kept his troops in South Italy
and Hanover, and early in November seized Sir Horace Rumbold, British
ambassador at Hamburg. At once Pitt and Harrowby made effective use of
this incident to prove the impossibility of peace with Napoleon. The
Russian and Prussian Courts sent sharp remonstrances to Paris; and, to
humour Frederick William, Napoleon ordered the release of the envoy,
though in the most grudging way possible. This violation of
international law served to counterbalance our irregular action against
Spain.
In short, Napoleon's evident resolve everywhere to carry matters with a
high hand convinced the Czar that war was inevitable; and he prepared to
espouse the cause of Britain, not so much from sympathy with her as from
detestation of her restless adversary.[699] On 20th November Pitt wrote
from Downing Street to Harrowby, who was then taking the waters at Bath,
expressing joy that the views of Russia coincided entirely with ours,
especially as to the reduction of the French Power within its ancient
limits. He added these noteworthy words: "The restoration of the
[French] monarchy may become in the course of events an object to be
distinctly aimed at, but it certainly cannot be made a substantive
object in the first instance; and it is very satisfactory to see that in
this important point there is no apparent difference in our
sentiments."[700] The hope of ending Prussia's subservience to Napoleon,
and of inspiring Francis of Austria with a manly resolve, proved futile.
Frederick William and Haugwitz hoped to creep into Hanover, under the
French Emperor's cloak, and Austria had not yet suffered enough
humiliation to lead her to fling down the gauntlet. True, she signed a
compact with Russia on 6th November 1804; but it was timidly defensive
in tone. Alexander therefore held back in the hope that events would
compel her to take sides against Napoleon.
Far less calculating was Gustavus IV of Sweden. With the chivalrous zeal
of his race he stood forth the first among the European monarchs as the
declared ally of England. After the execution of the Duc d'Enghien by
the French Emperor, he informed "Monsieur" Napoleon Bonaparte of the
rupture of all relations between them; and now, on 3rd December 1804, an
Anglo-Swedish Convention was signed, placing at our disposal the Isle of
RΓΌgen and the fortress of Stralsund in Swedish Pomerania, in return for
a subsidy of Β£80,000. This sum served but to whet his appetite for
subsidies, his demands almost equalling in extravagance his Quixotic
summons to a royalist crusade.
Pitt therefore based his hopes on the statesmanlike policy of the Czar,
who in that month despatched to London one of his confidants, a clever
but viewy young man, of frank and engaging manners, Count Novossiltzoff.
Ostensibly the mission was for scientific purposes; but French agents
discovered that he took with him a plan of a Coalition against
Napoleon.[701] This seems to have led the Emperor to take a step similar
to that of Christmastide 1799. On 2nd January 1805 he wrote a letter
direct to George III, proposing terms of peace. The King at once
expressed to Pitt his astonishment that "the French usurper" had
addressed him in this objectionable manner, and highly approved the
draft of an answer which Pitt had thoughtfully forwarded to Windsor. In
it Pitt declared that His Majesty could not enter upon the proposed
overtures for peace until he had communicated them to the Powers with
which he had confidential ties, especially to the Emperor of Russia. At
the King's command, he sent a copy of this answer to St. Petersburg. At
London, then, as also at Paris, Napoleon's offer was deemed a diplomatic
device for getting news, though it also enabled him to represent himself
as the friend of peace and Pitt as its worst enemy.
While the French Emperor played his game with the advantages conferred
by a daring initiative, superior force, and unquestioned authority at
home, Pitt had to employ all possible means to conciliate allies abroad
and half-hearted friends at Westminster. His position was far from
secure. True, the King had now recovered almost his usual health; but in
Parliament the Ministry with difficulty repelled the bitter attacks of
Fox, Sheridan, Grenville, and Windham. The speech of Grenville on the
seizure of the Spanish treasure ships was of singular bitterness. Though
aware of the provocations of the Spanish Court, he chose to represent
that affair as a cowardly, and almost piratical attack on an unprepared
Power. Pitt had expected some such misrepresentations. He knew that the
Opposition would strain every nerve to overthrow him; and in the
Christmas Vacation he made timely overtures through Hawkesbury for the
support of Addington. The two old friends met on 23rd December 1804, at
Hawkesbury's residence, Coombe Wood, near Richmond Park. The host
contrived to be absent when Pitt entered the room, and he advanced with
the cordial greeting: "I rejoice to take you by the hand again."
Converse of three hours ensued between them alone. Addington demurred to
Pitt's request that he should retire to the Upper House. Finally,
however, he agreed to do so, accepting the title of Viscount Sidmouth,
taking also the Presidency of the Council, which the Duke of Portland,
for reasons of health, wished to relinquish, though he finally agreed to
remain in the Cabinet without office. Lord Hobart, now Earl of
Buckinghamshire, also entered the Cabinet as Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster in place of Lord Mulgrave, who now succeeded Lord Harrowby at
the Foreign Office. Pitt further promised to promote some of Addington's
supporters, including his brother-in-law, Bragge Bathurst.
These changes were resented by several of Pitt's supporters, especially
by Rose. We have already noticed his contempt for Addington's financial
shifts; and he now, on 8th January 1805, wrote to Bishop Tomline
deploring Pitt's junction with "a man whose imbecility and falsehood,
under Mr. Pitt's own sanction," had weakened the country. Pitt would now
gain a few votes, no additional talents, and an increase of rancour in
the Opposition. "We shall," adds Rose, "drag on a wretched existence and
expire not creditably. What next will happen God only knows."[702]
Canning was equally annoyed at the new Coalition.[703] His sharp tongue
and still sharper pen had deeply annoyed Addington. Who, indeed, would
not have resented this reference in the "Apothecary's Hall (First of
April)":
When his speeches hobble vilely
How "Hear him" bursts from brother Hiley!
When his faltering periods lag
Hark to the cheers of brother Bragge!
Sarcasms on Hawkesbury had also annoyed that susceptible Minister; so
that in June 1804 Canning offered to resign his Treasurership of the
Navy. The matter was patched up, only to be opened once more in the
winter. Pitt sought to mediate between the bard and his victim, but
failed to elicit from Canning an apology as complete as Hawkesbury
demanded. Finally, on 18th January, Canning informed Pitt that, as
Hawkesbury had left his letter unanswered for three days, he declined to
take the further steps which Pitt recommended.[704] Is it surprising
that the health of the Prime Minister began to suffer? Friends noted
with concern his thinness and a hacking cough. Nevertheless, he rode out
successfully the squalls of the session of 1805, beating off the onset
of Sheridan against his Defence Bill, and defeating an inopportune
motion of Fox for Catholic Emancipation.
On this subject Pitt secretly sympathized with Fox, but his hands were
tied both by his promise of March 1801 to the King not to bring up the
subject during his reign, and recently by his union with Addington. The
Irish Catholics knew of these difficulties; and at meetings held by
their leading men at the house of
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