The History of England, from the Accession of James the Second - Volume 1 by Thomas Babington Macaulay (diy ebook reader .txt) π
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of their acquisitions. The land thus
surrendered was capriciously divided among claimants whom the
government chose to favour. But great numbers who protested that
they were innocent of all disloyalty, and some persons who
boasted that their loyalty had been signally displayed, obtained
neither restitution nor compensation, and filled France and Spain
with outcries against the injustice and ingratitude of the House
of Stuart.
Meantime the government had, even in England, ceased to be
popular. The Royalists had begun to quarrel with the court and
with each other; and the party which had been vanquished,
trampled down, and, as it seemed, annihilated, but which had
still retained a strong principle of life, again raised its head,
and renewed the interminable war.
Had the administration been faultless, the enthusiasm with which
the return of the King and the termination of the military
tyranny had been hailed could not have been permanent. For it is
the law of our nature that such fits of excitement shall always
be followed by remissions. The manner in which the court abused
its victory made the remission speedy and complete. Every
moderate man was shocked by the insolence, cruelty, and perfidy
with which the Nonconformists were treated. The penal laws had
effectually purged the oppressed party of those insincere members
whose vices had disgraced it, and had made it again an honest and
pious body of men. The Puritan, a conqueror, a ruler, a
persecutor, a sequestrator, had been detested. The Puritan,
betrayed and evil entreated, deserted by all the timeservers who,
in his prosperity, had claimed brotherhood with him, hunted from
his home, forbidden under severe penalties to pray or receive the
sacrament according to his conscience, yet still firm in his
resolution to obey God rather than man, was, in spite of some
unpleasing recollections, an object of pity and respect to well
constituted minds. These feelings became stronger when it was
noised abroad that the court was not disposed to treat Papists
with the same rigour which had been shown to Presbyterians. A
vague suspicion that the King and the Duke were not sincere
Protestants sprang up and gathered strength. Many persons too who
had been disgusted by the austerity and hypocrisy of the Saints
of the Commonwealth began to be still more disgusted by the open
profligacy of the court and of the Cavaliers, and were disposed
to doubt whether the sullen preciseness of Praise God Barebone
might not be preferable to the outrageous profaneness and
licentiousness of the Buckinghams and Sedleys. Even immoral men,
who were not utterly destitute of sense and public spirit,
complained that the government treated the most serious matters
as trifles, and made trifles its serious business. A King might
be pardoned for amusing his leisure with wine, wit, and beauty.
But it was intolerable that he should sink into a mere lounger
and voluptuary, that the gravest affairs of state should be
neglected, and that the public service should be starved and the
finances deranged in order that harlots and parasites might grow
rich.
A large body of Royalists joined in these complaints, and added
many sharp reflections on the King's ingratitude. His whole
revenue, indeed, would not have sufficed to reward them all in
proportion to their own consciousness of desert. For to every
distressed gentleman who had fought under Rupert or Derby his own
services seemed eminently meritorious, and his own sufferings
eminently severe. Every one had flattered himself that, whatever
became of the rest, he should be largely recompensed for all that
he had lost during the civil troubles, and that the restoration
of the monarchy would be followed by the restoration of his own
dilapidated fortunes. None of these expectants could restrain his
indignation, when he found that he was as poor under the King as
he had been under the Rump or the Protector. The negligence and
extravagance of the court excited the bitter indignation of these
loyal veterans. They justly said that one half of what His
Majesty squandered on concubines and buffoons would gladden the
hearts of hundreds of old Cavaliers who, after cutting down their
oaks and melting their plate to help his father, now wandered
about in threadbare suits, and did not know where to turn for a
meal.
At the same time a sudden fall of rents took place. The income of
every landed proprietor was diminished by five shillings in the
pound. The cry of agricultural distress rose from every shire in
the kingdom; and for that distress the government was, as usual,
held accountable. The gentry, compelled to retrench their
expenses for a period, saw with indignation the increasing
splendour and profusion of Whitehall, and were immovably fixed in
the belief that the money which ought to have supported their
households had, by some inexplicable process, gone to the
favourites of the King.
The minds of men were now in such a temper that every public act
excited discontent. Charles had taken to wife Catharine Princess
of Portugal. The marriage was generally disliked; and the murmurs
became loud when it appeared that the King was not likely to have
any legitimate posterity. Dunkirk, won by Oliver from Spain, was
sold to Lewis the Fourteenth, King of France. This bargain
excited general indignation. Englishmen were already beginning to
observe with uneasiness the progress of the French power, and to
regard the House of Bourbon with the same feeling with which
their grandfathers had regarded the House of Austria. Was it
wise, men asked, at such a time, to make any addition to the
strength of a monarchy already too formidable? Dunkirk was,
moreover, prized by the people, not merely as a place of arms,
and as a key to the Low Countries, but also as a trophy of
English valour. It was to the subjects of Charles what Calais had
been to an earlier generation, and what the rock of Gibraltar, so
manfully defended, through disastrous and perilous years, against
the fleets and armies of a mighty coalition, is to ourselves. The
plea of economy might have had some weight, if it had been urged
by an economical government. But it was notorious that the
charges of Dunkirk fell far short of the sums which were wasted
at court in vice and folly. It seemed insupportable that a
sovereign, profuse beyond example in all that regarded his own
pleasures, should be niggardly in all that regarded the safety
and honour of the state.
The public discontent was heightened, when it was found that,
while Dunkirk was abandoned on the plea of economy, the fortress
of Tangier, which was part of the dower of Queen Catharine, was
repaired and kept up at an enormous charge. That place was
associated with no recollections gratifying to the national
pride: it could in no way promote the national interests: it
involved us in inglorious, unprofitable, and interminable wars
with tribes of half savage Mussulmans and it was situated in a
climate singularly unfavourable to the health and vigour of the
English race.
But the murmurs excited by these errors were faint, when compared
with the clamours which soon broke forth. The government engaged
in war with the United Provinces. The House of Commons readily
voted sums unexampled in our history, sums exceeding those which
had supported the fleets and armies of Cromwell at the time when
his power was the terror of all the world. But such was the
extravagance, dishonesty, and incapacity of those who had
succeeded to his authority, that this liberality proved worse
than useless. The sycophants of the court, ill qualified to
contend against the great men who then directed the arms of
Holland, against such a statesman as De Witt, and such a
commander as De Ruyter, made fortunes rapidly, while the sailors
mutinied from very hunger, while the dockyards were unguarded,
while the ships were leaky and without rigging. It was at length
determined to abandon all schemes of offensive war; and it soon
appeared that even a defensive war was a task too hard for that
administration. The Dutch fleet sailed up the Thames, and burned
the ships of war which lay at Chatham. It was said that, on the
very day of that great humiliation, the King feasted with the
ladies of his seraglio, and amused himself with hunting a moth
about the supper room. Then, at length, tardy justice was done to
the memory of Oliver. Everywhere men magnified his valour,
genius, and patriotism. Everywhere it was remembered how, when he
ruled, all foreign powers had trembled at the name of England,
how the States General, now so haughty, had crouched at his feet,
and how, when it was known that he was no more, Amsterdam was
lighted up as for a great deliverance, and children ran along the
canals, shouting for joy that the Devil was dead. Even Royalists
exclaimed that the state could be saved only by calling the old
soldiers of the Commonwealth to arms. Soon the capital began to
feel the miseries of a blockade. Fuel was scarcely to be
procured. Tilbury Fort, the place where Elizabeth had, with manly
spirit, hurled foul scorn at Parma and Spain, was insulted by the
invaders. The roar of foreign guns was heard, for the first time,
by the citizens of London. In the Council it was seriously
proposed that, if the enemy advanced, the Tower should be
abandoned. Great multitudes of people assembled in the streets
crying out that England was bought and sold. The houses and
carriages of the ministers were attacked by the populace; and it
seemed likely that the government would have to deal at once with
an invasion and with an insurrection. The extreme danger, it is
true, soon passed by. A treaty was concluded, very different from
the treaties which Oliver had been in the habit of signing; and
the nation was once more at peace, but was in a mood scarcely
less fierce and sullen than in the days of shipmoney.
The discontent engendered by maladministration was heightened by
calamities which the best administration could not have averted.
While the ignominious war with Holland was raging, London
suffered two great disasters, such as never, in so short a space
of time, befel one city. A pestilence, surpassing in horror any
that during three centuries had visited the island, swept away,
in six mouths, more than a hundred thousand human beings. And
scarcely had the dead cart ceased to go its rounds, when a fire,
such as had not been known in Europe since the conflagration of
Rome under Nero, laid in ruins the whole city, from the Tower to
the Temple, and from the river to the purlieus of Smithfield.
Had there been a general election while the nation was smarting
under so many disgraces and misfortunes, it is probable that the
Roundheads would have regained ascendency in
surrendered was capriciously divided among claimants whom the
government chose to favour. But great numbers who protested that
they were innocent of all disloyalty, and some persons who
boasted that their loyalty had been signally displayed, obtained
neither restitution nor compensation, and filled France and Spain
with outcries against the injustice and ingratitude of the House
of Stuart.
Meantime the government had, even in England, ceased to be
popular. The Royalists had begun to quarrel with the court and
with each other; and the party which had been vanquished,
trampled down, and, as it seemed, annihilated, but which had
still retained a strong principle of life, again raised its head,
and renewed the interminable war.
Had the administration been faultless, the enthusiasm with which
the return of the King and the termination of the military
tyranny had been hailed could not have been permanent. For it is
the law of our nature that such fits of excitement shall always
be followed by remissions. The manner in which the court abused
its victory made the remission speedy and complete. Every
moderate man was shocked by the insolence, cruelty, and perfidy
with which the Nonconformists were treated. The penal laws had
effectually purged the oppressed party of those insincere members
whose vices had disgraced it, and had made it again an honest and
pious body of men. The Puritan, a conqueror, a ruler, a
persecutor, a sequestrator, had been detested. The Puritan,
betrayed and evil entreated, deserted by all the timeservers who,
in his prosperity, had claimed brotherhood with him, hunted from
his home, forbidden under severe penalties to pray or receive the
sacrament according to his conscience, yet still firm in his
resolution to obey God rather than man, was, in spite of some
unpleasing recollections, an object of pity and respect to well
constituted minds. These feelings became stronger when it was
noised abroad that the court was not disposed to treat Papists
with the same rigour which had been shown to Presbyterians. A
vague suspicion that the King and the Duke were not sincere
Protestants sprang up and gathered strength. Many persons too who
had been disgusted by the austerity and hypocrisy of the Saints
of the Commonwealth began to be still more disgusted by the open
profligacy of the court and of the Cavaliers, and were disposed
to doubt whether the sullen preciseness of Praise God Barebone
might not be preferable to the outrageous profaneness and
licentiousness of the Buckinghams and Sedleys. Even immoral men,
who were not utterly destitute of sense and public spirit,
complained that the government treated the most serious matters
as trifles, and made trifles its serious business. A King might
be pardoned for amusing his leisure with wine, wit, and beauty.
But it was intolerable that he should sink into a mere lounger
and voluptuary, that the gravest affairs of state should be
neglected, and that the public service should be starved and the
finances deranged in order that harlots and parasites might grow
rich.
A large body of Royalists joined in these complaints, and added
many sharp reflections on the King's ingratitude. His whole
revenue, indeed, would not have sufficed to reward them all in
proportion to their own consciousness of desert. For to every
distressed gentleman who had fought under Rupert or Derby his own
services seemed eminently meritorious, and his own sufferings
eminently severe. Every one had flattered himself that, whatever
became of the rest, he should be largely recompensed for all that
he had lost during the civil troubles, and that the restoration
of the monarchy would be followed by the restoration of his own
dilapidated fortunes. None of these expectants could restrain his
indignation, when he found that he was as poor under the King as
he had been under the Rump or the Protector. The negligence and
extravagance of the court excited the bitter indignation of these
loyal veterans. They justly said that one half of what His
Majesty squandered on concubines and buffoons would gladden the
hearts of hundreds of old Cavaliers who, after cutting down their
oaks and melting their plate to help his father, now wandered
about in threadbare suits, and did not know where to turn for a
meal.
At the same time a sudden fall of rents took place. The income of
every landed proprietor was diminished by five shillings in the
pound. The cry of agricultural distress rose from every shire in
the kingdom; and for that distress the government was, as usual,
held accountable. The gentry, compelled to retrench their
expenses for a period, saw with indignation the increasing
splendour and profusion of Whitehall, and were immovably fixed in
the belief that the money which ought to have supported their
households had, by some inexplicable process, gone to the
favourites of the King.
The minds of men were now in such a temper that every public act
excited discontent. Charles had taken to wife Catharine Princess
of Portugal. The marriage was generally disliked; and the murmurs
became loud when it appeared that the King was not likely to have
any legitimate posterity. Dunkirk, won by Oliver from Spain, was
sold to Lewis the Fourteenth, King of France. This bargain
excited general indignation. Englishmen were already beginning to
observe with uneasiness the progress of the French power, and to
regard the House of Bourbon with the same feeling with which
their grandfathers had regarded the House of Austria. Was it
wise, men asked, at such a time, to make any addition to the
strength of a monarchy already too formidable? Dunkirk was,
moreover, prized by the people, not merely as a place of arms,
and as a key to the Low Countries, but also as a trophy of
English valour. It was to the subjects of Charles what Calais had
been to an earlier generation, and what the rock of Gibraltar, so
manfully defended, through disastrous and perilous years, against
the fleets and armies of a mighty coalition, is to ourselves. The
plea of economy might have had some weight, if it had been urged
by an economical government. But it was notorious that the
charges of Dunkirk fell far short of the sums which were wasted
at court in vice and folly. It seemed insupportable that a
sovereign, profuse beyond example in all that regarded his own
pleasures, should be niggardly in all that regarded the safety
and honour of the state.
The public discontent was heightened, when it was found that,
while Dunkirk was abandoned on the plea of economy, the fortress
of Tangier, which was part of the dower of Queen Catharine, was
repaired and kept up at an enormous charge. That place was
associated with no recollections gratifying to the national
pride: it could in no way promote the national interests: it
involved us in inglorious, unprofitable, and interminable wars
with tribes of half savage Mussulmans and it was situated in a
climate singularly unfavourable to the health and vigour of the
English race.
But the murmurs excited by these errors were faint, when compared
with the clamours which soon broke forth. The government engaged
in war with the United Provinces. The House of Commons readily
voted sums unexampled in our history, sums exceeding those which
had supported the fleets and armies of Cromwell at the time when
his power was the terror of all the world. But such was the
extravagance, dishonesty, and incapacity of those who had
succeeded to his authority, that this liberality proved worse
than useless. The sycophants of the court, ill qualified to
contend against the great men who then directed the arms of
Holland, against such a statesman as De Witt, and such a
commander as De Ruyter, made fortunes rapidly, while the sailors
mutinied from very hunger, while the dockyards were unguarded,
while the ships were leaky and without rigging. It was at length
determined to abandon all schemes of offensive war; and it soon
appeared that even a defensive war was a task too hard for that
administration. The Dutch fleet sailed up the Thames, and burned
the ships of war which lay at Chatham. It was said that, on the
very day of that great humiliation, the King feasted with the
ladies of his seraglio, and amused himself with hunting a moth
about the supper room. Then, at length, tardy justice was done to
the memory of Oliver. Everywhere men magnified his valour,
genius, and patriotism. Everywhere it was remembered how, when he
ruled, all foreign powers had trembled at the name of England,
how the States General, now so haughty, had crouched at his feet,
and how, when it was known that he was no more, Amsterdam was
lighted up as for a great deliverance, and children ran along the
canals, shouting for joy that the Devil was dead. Even Royalists
exclaimed that the state could be saved only by calling the old
soldiers of the Commonwealth to arms. Soon the capital began to
feel the miseries of a blockade. Fuel was scarcely to be
procured. Tilbury Fort, the place where Elizabeth had, with manly
spirit, hurled foul scorn at Parma and Spain, was insulted by the
invaders. The roar of foreign guns was heard, for the first time,
by the citizens of London. In the Council it was seriously
proposed that, if the enemy advanced, the Tower should be
abandoned. Great multitudes of people assembled in the streets
crying out that England was bought and sold. The houses and
carriages of the ministers were attacked by the populace; and it
seemed likely that the government would have to deal at once with
an invasion and with an insurrection. The extreme danger, it is
true, soon passed by. A treaty was concluded, very different from
the treaties which Oliver had been in the habit of signing; and
the nation was once more at peace, but was in a mood scarcely
less fierce and sullen than in the days of shipmoney.
The discontent engendered by maladministration was heightened by
calamities which the best administration could not have averted.
While the ignominious war with Holland was raging, London
suffered two great disasters, such as never, in so short a space
of time, befel one city. A pestilence, surpassing in horror any
that during three centuries had visited the island, swept away,
in six mouths, more than a hundred thousand human beings. And
scarcely had the dead cart ceased to go its rounds, when a fire,
such as had not been known in Europe since the conflagration of
Rome under Nero, laid in ruins the whole city, from the Tower to
the Temple, and from the river to the purlieus of Smithfield.
Had there been a general election while the nation was smarting
under so many disgraces and misfortunes, it is probable that the
Roundheads would have regained ascendency in
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