Life of St. Francis of Assisi by Paul Sabatier (best historical biographies txt) 📕

1217, Potthast, 5629;
February 8, March 30, April 7, 1218, Potthast, 5695, 5739, 5747.

[33] 1 Cel., 74. O quanti maxime in principio cum hæc agerentur
novellæ plantationi ordinis insidiabantur ut perderent. Cf. 2
Cel., 1, 16. Videbat Franciscus luporum more sevire
quamplures.

[34] 1 Cel., 73 (cf. 2 Cel., 1, 17; Spec. , 102a); 3 Soc., 64;
Bon., 78. The fixing of this scene in the winter of 1217-1218
seems hardly to be debatable; Giordano's account (14) in fact
determines the date at which Ugolini became officially
protector of the Order; it supposes earlier relations between
Honorius, Francis, and Ugolini. We are therefore led to seek a
date at which these three personages may have met in Rome, and
we arrive thus at the period between December, 1217, and April,
1218.

[35] A word of Brother Giordano's opens the door to certain
conjectures. "My lord," said Francis to Honorius III., in 1220,
"you have given me many fathers (popes) give me a single one to
whom I may turn with the affairs of my Order." (Giord., 14,
Multos mihi papas dedisti da unum , ... etc.)

Does not this suggest the idea that the pontiff had perhaps
named a commission of cardinals to oversee the Brothers Minor?
Its deliberations and the events to be related in the following
chapter might have impelled him to issue the bull Cum dilecti
of June 11, 1219, which was not an approbation properly so
called, but a safe-conduct in favor of the Franciscans.

[36] He took possession of St. Sabine on February 28, 1218.

[37] 2 Cel., 3, 87. The literal meaning of the phrase is
somewhat ambiguous. The text is: Vellem, frater Francisce, unam
fieri religionem tuam et meam et in Ecclesia pari forma nos
vivere . Spec. 27b. The echo of this attempt is found in
Thierry d'Apolda, Vie de S. Dominique (A. SS., Augusti, t. i.,
p. 572 d): S. Dominicus in oscula sancta ruens et sinceros
amplexus, dixit: Tu es socius meus, tu curres pariter mecum,
stemus simul, nullus adversarius prævalebit . Bernard of Besse
says: B. Dominicus tanta B. Francisco devotione cohesit ut
optatam ab eo cordam sub inferiori tunica devotissimi cingeret,
cujus et suam Religionem unam velle fieri diceret, ipsumque pro
sanctitate cæteris sequendem religiosis assereret. Turin MS.,
102b.

[38] At the chapter held at Bologna at Whitsunday, 1220. The
bull Religiosam vitam (Privilege of Notre Dame de Prouille) of
March 30, 1218, enumerates the possessions of the Dominicans.
Ripolli, Bull. Præd. , t. i., p. 6. Horoy, Honorii opera , t.
ii., col. 684.

* * * * *


CHAPTER XIII

ST. DOMINIC AND ST. FRANCIS

The Egyptian Mission. Summer 1218-Autumn 1220


Art and poetry have done well in inseparably associating St. Dominic and St. Francis; the glory of the first is only a reflection of that of the second, and it is in placing them side by side that we succeed best in understanding the genius of the Poverello. If Francis is the man of inspiration, Dominic is that of obedience to orders; one may say that his life was passed on the road to Rome, whither he continually went to ask for instructions. His legend was therefore very slow to be formed, although nothing forbade it to blossom freely; but neither the zeal of Gregory IX. for his memory nor the learning of his disciples were able to do for the Hammer of heretics that which the love of the people did for the Father of the poor . His legend has the two defects which so soon weary the readers of hagiographical writings, when the question is of the saints whose worship the Church has commanded.[1] It is encumbered with a spurious supernaturalism, and with incidents borrowed right and left from earlier legends. The Italian people, who hailed in Francis the angel of all their hopes, and who showed themselves so greedy for his relics, did not so much as dream of taking up the corpse of the founder of the Order of Preaching Friars, and allowed him to wait twelve years for the glories of canonization.[2]

We have already seen the efforts of Cardinal Ugolini to unite the two Orders, and the reasons he had for this course. He went to the Whitsunday chapter-general which met at Portiuncula (June 3, 1218), to which came also St. Dominic with several of his disciples. The ceremonial of these solemnities appears to have been always about the same since 1216; the Brothers Minor went in procession to meet the cardinal, who immediately dismounted from his horse and lavished expressions of affection upon them. An altar was set up in the open air, at which he said mass, Francis performing the functions of deacon.[3]

It is easy to imagine the emotion which overcame those present when in its beautiful setting of the Umbrian landscape burst forth that part of the Pentecostal service, that most exciting, the most apocalyptic of the whole Catholic liturgy, the anthem Alleluia, Alleluia, Emitte Spiritum tuum et creabuntur, et renovabis faciem terræ . Alleluia ,[4] does not this include the whole Franciscan dream?

But what especially amazed Dominic was the absence of material cares. Francis had advised his brethren not to disquiet themselves in any respect about food and drink; he knew by experience that they might fearlessly trust all that to the love of the neighboring population. This want of carefulness had greatly surprised Dominic, who thought it exaggerated; he was able to reassure himself, when meal-time arrived, by seeing the inhabitants of the district hastening in crowds to bring far larger supplies of provisions than were needed for the several thousands of friars, and holding it an honor to wait upon them.

The joy of the Franciscans, the sympathy of the populace with them, the poverty of the huts of Portiuncula, all this impressed him deeply; so much was he moved by it that in a burst of enthusiasm he announced his resolution to embrace gospel poverty.[5]

Ugolini, though also moved, even to tears,[6] did not forget his former anxieties; the Order was too numerous not to include a group of malcontents; a few friars who before their conversion had studied in the universities began to condemn the extreme simplicity laid upon them as a duty. To men no longer sustained by enthusiasm the short precepts of the Rule appeared a charter all too insufficient for a vast association; they turned with envy toward the monumental abbeys of the Benedictines, the regular Canons, the Cistercians, and toward the ancient monastic legislations. They had no difficulty in perceiving in Ugolini a powerful ally, nor in confiding their observations to him.

The latter deemed the propitious moment arrived, and in a private conversation with Francis made a few suggestions: Ought he not give to his disciples, especially to the educated among them, a greater share of the burdens? consult them, gain inspiration from their views? was there not room to profit by the experience of the older orders? Though all this was said casually and with the greatest possible tact, Francis felt himself wounded to the quick, and without answering he drew the cardinal to the very midst of the chapter.

"My brothers," said he with fire, "the Lord has called me into the ways of simplicity and humility. In them he has shown me the truth for myself and for those who desire to believe and follow me; do not, then, come speaking to me of the Rule of St. Benedict, of St. Augustine, of St. Bernard, or of any other, but solely of that which God in his mercy has seen fit to show to me, and of which he has told me that he would, by its means, make a new covenant with the world, and he does not will that we should have any other. But by your learning and your wisdom God will bring you to confusion. For I am persuaded that God will chastise you; whether you will or no you will be forced to come to repentance, and nothing will remain for you but confusion."[7]

This warmth in defending and affirming his ideas profoundly astonished Ugolini, who added not a word. As to Dominic, what he had just seen at Portiuncula was to him a revelation. He felt, indeed, that his zeal for the Church could not be greater, but he also perceived that he could serve her with more success by certain changes in his weapons.

Ugolini no doubt only encouraged him in this view, and Dominic, beset with new anxieties, set out a few months later for Spain. The intensity of the crisis through which he passed has not been sufficiently noticed; the religious writers recount at length his sojourn in the grotto of Segovia, but they see only the ascetic practices, the prayers, the genuflexions, and do not think of looking for the cause of all this. From this epoch it might be said that he was unceasingly occupied in copying Francis, if the word had not a somewhat displeasing sense. Arrived at Segovia he follows the example of the Brothers Minor, founds a hermitage in the outskirts of the city, hidden among the rocks which overlook the town, and thence he descends from time to time to preach to the people. The transformation in his mode of life was so evident that several of his companions rebelled and refused to follow him in the new way.

Popular sentiment has at times its intuitions; a legend grew up around this grotto of Segovia, and it was said that St. Dominic there received the stigmata. Is there not here an unconscious effort to translate into an image within the comprehension of all, that which actually took place in this cave of the Sierra da Guaderrama?[8]

Thus St. Dominic also arrived at the poverty of the