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do by winning souls to God, be drawn forth from their warm nests to look out into God's harvest."[101]
But though the attempts to seduce Ireland from the Catholic faith had failed to produce any substantial results, yet there could be no denying the fact that Elizabeth had gone further to reduce the country to subjection than had any of her predecessors. The overthrow of the Geraldines and their allies in the South, the plantation of English Undertakers in the lands of the Earl of Desmond, the seizure of MacMahon's country, and the attempted plantation of Clandeboy, the appointments of presidents of Munster and Connaught, the reduction of several counties to shire-lands, the nomination of sheriffs to enforce English law, and the establishment of garrisons in several parts of the country, made it clear to any thoughtful Irishman that unless some steps were taken at once, the complete reduction of their country was only a matter of a few years. In the North Hugh O'Neill, son of Matthew O'Neill, was looked upon as the most powerful nobleman of the province. Like his father he had been in his youth an English O'Neill, and for that reason he was created Earl of Tyrone (1585), and was granted most of the territories of Shane the Proud. But he distrusted the English, as he was distrusted by them. The treacherous seizure of Hugh O'Donnell, the planting of an English garrison at Portmore along the Blackwater, and the warlike preparations begun by Sir Henry Bagenal made it evident to him that the government aimed at the complete overthrow of the Irish chieftains.
Having strengthened himself by alliances with Hugh O'Donnell, Maguire, and the principal nobles of the North, he rose in arms, seized the fortress of Portmore, laid siege to Monaghan, and inflicted a very severe defeat on the English forces at Clontibret (1595). Whatever might have been his ulterior object, O'Neill put the question of religion in the forefront. Already it had been noted by the English officials that O'Neill, though brought up in England, was attached to the "Romish Church." In their negotiations with the government after the defeat of the English forces at Clontibret, both O'Neill and O'Donnell demanded that "all persons have free liberty of conscience." Similar demands were made by the other chieftains of Ulster, and later on by all the Irish nobles in Connaught, Leinster, and Munster. In reply to these demands the commissioners announced that in the past the queen had tolerated the practice of the Catholic religion, and "so in likelihood she will continue the same." When the report of these negotiations reached England Elizabeth was displeased. The request for liberty of conscience was characterised as "disloyal." O'Neill was to be informed that "this had been a later disloyal compact made betwixt him and the other rebels without any reasonable ground or cause to move them thereunto, especially considering there hath been no proceeding against any of them to move so unreasonable and disloyal a request as to have liberty to break laws, which her Majesty will never grant to any subject."[102]
Though the negotiations were continued for some time neither side was anxious for peace. Elizabeth and her officials strove to secure the support of the Anglo-Irish of the Pale and of a certain section of the Irish nobles. Unfortunately she was only too successful. Most of the Anglo-Irish nobles, though still devoted to the Catholic faith, preferred to accept toleration at the hands of Elizabeth rather than to fight side by side with O'Neill for the complete restoration of their religion.[103] O'Neill and O'Donnell turned to Spain and Rome for support. From Spain they asked for arms, soldiers, and money to enable them to continue the struggle. From the Pope they asked also for material assistance, but in addition they demanded that he should re-publish the Bull of excommunication and deposition issued against Elizabeth by Gregory XIII., that he should declare their war to be a religious war in which all Catholics should take the side of the Irish chiefs, that he should excommunicate the Catholic noblemen who had taken up arms in defence of the queen, that he should grant them the full rights of patronage enjoyed in Ulster by their predecessors, and that he should appoint no ecclesiastics to vacant Sees without their approval.[104]
These requests were supported strongly at Rome by Peter Lombard (1601), who was appointed later on Archbishop of Armagh, and as a result Clement VIII. determined to send a nuncio to Ireland in the person of Ludovico Mansoni (1601). Philip III. of Spain at last consented to dispatch a force into Ireland, but instead of landing in the North where O'Neill and O'Donnell were all-powerful, the Spanish exhibition under command of Don Juan del Aquila arrived off Kinsale, and took possession of the town (Sept. 1601). For the three years preceding the arrival of the Spaniards the Northern chiefs had been wonderfully successful. They had defeated Marshal Bagenal at the Yellow Ford (1598), had overthrown the forces of Sir Conyers Clifford at the Curlieu Mountains (1599), and had upset all the plans of the Earl of Essex, who was sent over specially by Elizabeth to reduce them to subjection. Hardly, however, had the Spaniards occupied Kinsale when they were besieged by the new Deputy, Lord Mountjoy, and by Carew, the President of Munster. An urgent message was dispatched by them requesting O'Neill and O'Donnell to march to their assistance, and against their own better judgment they determined to march South to the relief of their allies. Even still, had they been satisfied with hemming in the English forces, as O'Neill advised, they might have succeeded, but instead of adopting a waiting policy, they determined to make an attack in conjunction with the Spanish force. As a result they suffered a complete defeat (1602). O'Neill conducted the remnant of his army towards Ulster; O'Donnell was dispatched to seek for further help to Spain from which he never returned, and Aquila surrendered Kinsale and other fortresses garrisoned by Spaniards. Carew laid waste the entire province of Connaught, while Mountjoy marched to Ulster to subdue the Northern rebels. The news of the death of O'Donnell in Spain, the desertion of many of his companions in arms, and the total destruction of the cattle and crops by Mountjoy forced O'Neill to make overtures for peace. An offer of terms was made to him, and good care was taken to conceal from him the death of Queen Elizabeth. He decided to meet Mountjoy and to make his submission (1603). -----
[1] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 304.
[2] Id., i., 315.
[3] Moran, /History of the Archbishops of Dublin/, 52-54. Brady,
/Episcopal Succession/, ii., 133 sqq.
[4] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 327-335.
[5] Lynch-Kelly, /Cambrensis Eversus/, ii., 780 sqq.
[6] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 252-53.
[7] Id., 258.
[8] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 169-70.
[9] /Irish Statutes/, vol. i., 239-74.
[10] /Lib. Munerum/, i., 38.
[11] Cox, /Hib. Anglicana/, 308-9.
[12] Bridgett, /Blunders and Forgeries/, 217-21.
[13] /Calendar of Documents, Ireland/, i., 140.
[14] /Calendar of Documents, Ireland/, i., 151-52.
[15] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 279-80.
[16] Shirley, op. cit., 90-1.
[17] Bagwell, /Ireland under the Tudors/, ii., 354.
[18] Bridgett, /Blunders and Forgeries/, 229-36.
[19] Shirley, op. cit., 91.
[20] Cox, /Hib. Angl./, 313.
[21] The return is printed in /Tracts Relating to Ireland/, ii.,
134-38.
[22] /State Papers/, iii., 306-7.
[23] Id., 305.
[24] Litton Falkiner, /Essays Relating to Ireland/, 236.
[25] Kelly, /Dissertations on Irish Church History/, 363.
[26] /Lib. Mun./, ii., pt. 6, 10.
[27] Brady, /Irish Reformation/, 32, 33.
[28] /Irish Statutes/, i., 275-320.
[29] Cf. Lynch-Kelly, /Cambrensis Eversus/, ii., 19-23. Rothe,
/Analecta/ (ed. Moran, 1884), 235-7.
[30] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 303-4.
[31] Shirley, op. cit., 140, 234, 265.
[32] Brady, /The Irish Reformation/, 169-73.
[33] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, no. 199.
[34] Mason, /History of St. Patrick's/, 162.
[35] Moran's, /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 83.
[36] Shirley, op. cit., 220.
[37] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, no. 666.
[38] Shirley, op. cit., 101.
[39] Id., 207.
[40] Cf. Letter of J. A. Froude in Brady's /Irish Reformation/,
173-80.
[41] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, nos. 198, 221, 223, 363.
[42] Shirley, op. cit., 94.
[43] Id., 125.
[44] Shirley, op. cit., 162.
[45] Id., 201, 226.
[46] Id., 249-250.
[47] Cf. Shirley, op. cit., 98-9, 120, 184, 214, 239, 242, 272, 278,
295.
[48] Shirley, op. cit., 130, 135, 180, 189, 271, 313 sqq.
[49] Ware's /Works/, vol. i., p. 391.
[50] Shirley, op. cit., 96, 104, 106, 122.
[51] Id., 271.
[52] Id., 95.
[53] /Calendar of State Papers/ (Ireland), i., 171.
[54] Shirley, op. cit., 117 sqq.
[55] Shirley, op. cit., 139.
[56] Id., 233 sqq.
[57] Shirley, op. cit., 160-3, 135-6, 220, 279, 95.
[58] Shirley, op. cit., 195-96.
[59] Cf. Hogan /Hibernia Ignatiana/, 10-24. Moran, /Archbishops of
Dublin/, 77-83. /Cal. State Papers/ (Ireland), i., 255, 472, 524.
[60] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 32-8.
[61] Cf. Theiner, /Acta genuina S. Concil. Trid./, 4 vols., 1875.
Bellesheim, op. cit., ii., 142-44.
[62] Renehan, /Archbishops/, 435 sqq. Moran, /Archbishops of Dublin/,
441 sqq.
[63] /Cal. of Carew Papers/, i., 297, 301 sqq.
[64] Id., 292, 297, 310 sqq. /Cal. of State Papers/ (Ireland), 188.
[65] /Cal. of State Papers/, i., 179.
[66] Id., 233.
[67] Renehan-MacCarthy, op. cit., i., 241 sqq.
[68] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 59-62.
[69] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 397-400.
[70] Gillow, /Bib. Dict. Eng. Catholics/, v., 476.
[71] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 94.
[72] /Hooker's Diary/ (printed in Litton Falkiner's /Essays Relating
to Ireland/, 237 sqq.).
[73] Id., 235-6.
[74] Cf. /Irish Statutes/, i., 312 sqq. /Calendar of Carew Papers/,
ii., 334 sqq.
[75] Cf. /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 347. Shirley, op. cit.,
206-7. Brady, /Ep. Succession/, ii., 43. Ware's /Works/, i., 511.
[76] Cf. /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 38, sqq. Shirley, op. cit., 164, 171,
176, 287, 306, 324. /The Analects of David Rothe/ (ed. Moran),
1884, xlvi.
[77] O'Sullevan, /Compendium Hist. Cath. Iber./ (ed. by Kelly), 1850,
108-111.
[78] Renehan's /Archbishops/, 241 sqq. Brady, op. cit., ii., 5 sqq.
/Spicil. Ossor./, i., 83.
[79] Cf. Brady, op. cit., Rothe's /Analecta/ (ut supra), 381 sqq.
/Spicil. Ossor./, i., 82 sqq.; iii., 35 sqq. /Ir. Ecc. Record/,
i., ii.
[80] Cf. Rothe's /Analecta/ (Introduction), xiii. sqq.
[81] Brady, op. cit., 221-3.
[82] /Annals F. M./, ann. 1601.
[83] /Cal. Carew Papers/, ii., 137.
[84] Id., iii., 494.
[85] Cf. /I. E. Record/, (1884). Bagwell, op. cit., iii., 462-69.
/Archiv. Hib./, i., 277-311.
[86] O'Doherty, /Students of the Irish College, Salamanca, 1595-1700/,
(/Archiv. Hib./, ii., iii.).
[87] On the Irish Colleges on the Continent, cf. Boyle, /The Irish
College in Paris (1578-1901)/. Murphy, /College of the Irish
Franciscans, at Louvain/, (/Journal R.S.A., I./, 1898). Proost,
/Les rΓ©fugiΓ©s anglais et irlandais en Belgique/, etc. (/Messager
des Sciences historiques/, 1865), Daumet, /Notices sur les
But though the attempts to seduce Ireland from the Catholic faith had failed to produce any substantial results, yet there could be no denying the fact that Elizabeth had gone further to reduce the country to subjection than had any of her predecessors. The overthrow of the Geraldines and their allies in the South, the plantation of English Undertakers in the lands of the Earl of Desmond, the seizure of MacMahon's country, and the attempted plantation of Clandeboy, the appointments of presidents of Munster and Connaught, the reduction of several counties to shire-lands, the nomination of sheriffs to enforce English law, and the establishment of garrisons in several parts of the country, made it clear to any thoughtful Irishman that unless some steps were taken at once, the complete reduction of their country was only a matter of a few years. In the North Hugh O'Neill, son of Matthew O'Neill, was looked upon as the most powerful nobleman of the province. Like his father he had been in his youth an English O'Neill, and for that reason he was created Earl of Tyrone (1585), and was granted most of the territories of Shane the Proud. But he distrusted the English, as he was distrusted by them. The treacherous seizure of Hugh O'Donnell, the planting of an English garrison at Portmore along the Blackwater, and the warlike preparations begun by Sir Henry Bagenal made it evident to him that the government aimed at the complete overthrow of the Irish chieftains.
Having strengthened himself by alliances with Hugh O'Donnell, Maguire, and the principal nobles of the North, he rose in arms, seized the fortress of Portmore, laid siege to Monaghan, and inflicted a very severe defeat on the English forces at Clontibret (1595). Whatever might have been his ulterior object, O'Neill put the question of religion in the forefront. Already it had been noted by the English officials that O'Neill, though brought up in England, was attached to the "Romish Church." In their negotiations with the government after the defeat of the English forces at Clontibret, both O'Neill and O'Donnell demanded that "all persons have free liberty of conscience." Similar demands were made by the other chieftains of Ulster, and later on by all the Irish nobles in Connaught, Leinster, and Munster. In reply to these demands the commissioners announced that in the past the queen had tolerated the practice of the Catholic religion, and "so in likelihood she will continue the same." When the report of these negotiations reached England Elizabeth was displeased. The request for liberty of conscience was characterised as "disloyal." O'Neill was to be informed that "this had been a later disloyal compact made betwixt him and the other rebels without any reasonable ground or cause to move them thereunto, especially considering there hath been no proceeding against any of them to move so unreasonable and disloyal a request as to have liberty to break laws, which her Majesty will never grant to any subject."[102]
Though the negotiations were continued for some time neither side was anxious for peace. Elizabeth and her officials strove to secure the support of the Anglo-Irish of the Pale and of a certain section of the Irish nobles. Unfortunately she was only too successful. Most of the Anglo-Irish nobles, though still devoted to the Catholic faith, preferred to accept toleration at the hands of Elizabeth rather than to fight side by side with O'Neill for the complete restoration of their religion.[103] O'Neill and O'Donnell turned to Spain and Rome for support. From Spain they asked for arms, soldiers, and money to enable them to continue the struggle. From the Pope they asked also for material assistance, but in addition they demanded that he should re-publish the Bull of excommunication and deposition issued against Elizabeth by Gregory XIII., that he should declare their war to be a religious war in which all Catholics should take the side of the Irish chiefs, that he should excommunicate the Catholic noblemen who had taken up arms in defence of the queen, that he should grant them the full rights of patronage enjoyed in Ulster by their predecessors, and that he should appoint no ecclesiastics to vacant Sees without their approval.[104]
These requests were supported strongly at Rome by Peter Lombard (1601), who was appointed later on Archbishop of Armagh, and as a result Clement VIII. determined to send a nuncio to Ireland in the person of Ludovico Mansoni (1601). Philip III. of Spain at last consented to dispatch a force into Ireland, but instead of landing in the North where O'Neill and O'Donnell were all-powerful, the Spanish exhibition under command of Don Juan del Aquila arrived off Kinsale, and took possession of the town (Sept. 1601). For the three years preceding the arrival of the Spaniards the Northern chiefs had been wonderfully successful. They had defeated Marshal Bagenal at the Yellow Ford (1598), had overthrown the forces of Sir Conyers Clifford at the Curlieu Mountains (1599), and had upset all the plans of the Earl of Essex, who was sent over specially by Elizabeth to reduce them to subjection. Hardly, however, had the Spaniards occupied Kinsale when they were besieged by the new Deputy, Lord Mountjoy, and by Carew, the President of Munster. An urgent message was dispatched by them requesting O'Neill and O'Donnell to march to their assistance, and against their own better judgment they determined to march South to the relief of their allies. Even still, had they been satisfied with hemming in the English forces, as O'Neill advised, they might have succeeded, but instead of adopting a waiting policy, they determined to make an attack in conjunction with the Spanish force. As a result they suffered a complete defeat (1602). O'Neill conducted the remnant of his army towards Ulster; O'Donnell was dispatched to seek for further help to Spain from which he never returned, and Aquila surrendered Kinsale and other fortresses garrisoned by Spaniards. Carew laid waste the entire province of Connaught, while Mountjoy marched to Ulster to subdue the Northern rebels. The news of the death of O'Donnell in Spain, the desertion of many of his companions in arms, and the total destruction of the cattle and crops by Mountjoy forced O'Neill to make overtures for peace. An offer of terms was made to him, and good care was taken to conceal from him the death of Queen Elizabeth. He decided to meet Mountjoy and to make his submission (1603). -----
[1] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 304.
[2] Id., i., 315.
[3] Moran, /History of the Archbishops of Dublin/, 52-54. Brady,
/Episcopal Succession/, ii., 133 sqq.
[4] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 327-335.
[5] Lynch-Kelly, /Cambrensis Eversus/, ii., 780 sqq.
[6] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 252-53.
[7] Id., 258.
[8] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 169-70.
[9] /Irish Statutes/, vol. i., 239-74.
[10] /Lib. Munerum/, i., 38.
[11] Cox, /Hib. Anglicana/, 308-9.
[12] Bridgett, /Blunders and Forgeries/, 217-21.
[13] /Calendar of Documents, Ireland/, i., 140.
[14] /Calendar of Documents, Ireland/, i., 151-52.
[15] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 279-80.
[16] Shirley, op. cit., 90-1.
[17] Bagwell, /Ireland under the Tudors/, ii., 354.
[18] Bridgett, /Blunders and Forgeries/, 229-36.
[19] Shirley, op. cit., 91.
[20] Cox, /Hib. Angl./, 313.
[21] The return is printed in /Tracts Relating to Ireland/, ii.,
134-38.
[22] /State Papers/, iii., 306-7.
[23] Id., 305.
[24] Litton Falkiner, /Essays Relating to Ireland/, 236.
[25] Kelly, /Dissertations on Irish Church History/, 363.
[26] /Lib. Mun./, ii., pt. 6, 10.
[27] Brady, /Irish Reformation/, 32, 33.
[28] /Irish Statutes/, i., 275-320.
[29] Cf. Lynch-Kelly, /Cambrensis Eversus/, ii., 19-23. Rothe,
/Analecta/ (ed. Moran, 1884), 235-7.
[30] /Calendar of Patent Rolls/, i., 303-4.
[31] Shirley, op. cit., 140, 234, 265.
[32] Brady, /The Irish Reformation/, 169-73.
[33] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, no. 199.
[34] Mason, /History of St. Patrick's/, 162.
[35] Moran's, /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 83.
[36] Shirley, op. cit., 220.
[37] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, no. 666.
[38] Shirley, op. cit., 101.
[39] Id., 207.
[40] Cf. Letter of J. A. Froude in Brady's /Irish Reformation/,
173-80.
[41] /Fiants of Elizabeth/, nos. 198, 221, 223, 363.
[42] Shirley, op. cit., 94.
[43] Id., 125.
[44] Shirley, op. cit., 162.
[45] Id., 201, 226.
[46] Id., 249-250.
[47] Cf. Shirley, op. cit., 98-9, 120, 184, 214, 239, 242, 272, 278,
295.
[48] Shirley, op. cit., 130, 135, 180, 189, 271, 313 sqq.
[49] Ware's /Works/, vol. i., p. 391.
[50] Shirley, op. cit., 96, 104, 106, 122.
[51] Id., 271.
[52] Id., 95.
[53] /Calendar of State Papers/ (Ireland), i., 171.
[54] Shirley, op. cit., 117 sqq.
[55] Shirley, op. cit., 139.
[56] Id., 233 sqq.
[57] Shirley, op. cit., 160-3, 135-6, 220, 279, 95.
[58] Shirley, op. cit., 195-96.
[59] Cf. Hogan /Hibernia Ignatiana/, 10-24. Moran, /Archbishops of
Dublin/, 77-83. /Cal. State Papers/ (Ireland), i., 255, 472, 524.
[60] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 32-8.
[61] Cf. Theiner, /Acta genuina S. Concil. Trid./, 4 vols., 1875.
Bellesheim, op. cit., ii., 142-44.
[62] Renehan, /Archbishops/, 435 sqq. Moran, /Archbishops of Dublin/,
441 sqq.
[63] /Cal. of Carew Papers/, i., 297, 301 sqq.
[64] Id., 292, 297, 310 sqq. /Cal. of State Papers/ (Ireland), 188.
[65] /Cal. of State Papers/, i., 179.
[66] Id., 233.
[67] Renehan-MacCarthy, op. cit., i., 241 sqq.
[68] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 59-62.
[69] /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 397-400.
[70] Gillow, /Bib. Dict. Eng. Catholics/, v., 476.
[71] /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 94.
[72] /Hooker's Diary/ (printed in Litton Falkiner's /Essays Relating
to Ireland/, 237 sqq.).
[73] Id., 235-6.
[74] Cf. /Irish Statutes/, i., 312 sqq. /Calendar of Carew Papers/,
ii., 334 sqq.
[75] Cf. /Calendar of Carew Papers/, i., 347. Shirley, op. cit.,
206-7. Brady, /Ep. Succession/, ii., 43. Ware's /Works/, i., 511.
[76] Cf. /Spicil. Ossor./, i., 38, sqq. Shirley, op. cit., 164, 171,
176, 287, 306, 324. /The Analects of David Rothe/ (ed. Moran),
1884, xlvi.
[77] O'Sullevan, /Compendium Hist. Cath. Iber./ (ed. by Kelly), 1850,
108-111.
[78] Renehan's /Archbishops/, 241 sqq. Brady, op. cit., ii., 5 sqq.
/Spicil. Ossor./, i., 83.
[79] Cf. Brady, op. cit., Rothe's /Analecta/ (ut supra), 381 sqq.
/Spicil. Ossor./, i., 82 sqq.; iii., 35 sqq. /Ir. Ecc. Record/,
i., ii.
[80] Cf. Rothe's /Analecta/ (Introduction), xiii. sqq.
[81] Brady, op. cit., 221-3.
[82] /Annals F. M./, ann. 1601.
[83] /Cal. Carew Papers/, ii., 137.
[84] Id., iii., 494.
[85] Cf. /I. E. Record/, (1884). Bagwell, op. cit., iii., 462-69.
/Archiv. Hib./, i., 277-311.
[86] O'Doherty, /Students of the Irish College, Salamanca, 1595-1700/,
(/Archiv. Hib./, ii., iii.).
[87] On the Irish Colleges on the Continent, cf. Boyle, /The Irish
College in Paris (1578-1901)/. Murphy, /College of the Irish
Franciscans, at Louvain/, (/Journal R.S.A., I./, 1898). Proost,
/Les rΓ©fugiΓ©s anglais et irlandais en Belgique/, etc. (/Messager
des Sciences historiques/, 1865), Daumet, /Notices sur les
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