An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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- Author: Adam Smith
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means of the unproductive class, the cuitivators are delivered
from many cares, which would otherwise distract their attention
from the cultivation of land. The superiority of produce, which
in consequence of this undivided attention, they are enabled to
raise, is fully sufficient to pay the whole expense which the
maintenance and employment of the unproductive class costs either
the proprietors or themselves. The industry of merchants,
artificers, and manufacturers, though in its own nature
altogether unproductive, yet contributes in this manner
indirectly to increase the produce of the land. It increases the
productive powers of productive labour, by leaving it at liberty
to confine itself to its proper employment, the cultivation of
land ; and the plough goes frequently the easier and the better,
by means of the labour of the man whose business is most remote
from the plough.
It can never be the interest of the proprietors and cultivators,
to restrain or to discourage, in any respect, the industry of
merchants, artificers, and manufacturers. The greater the liberty
which this unproductive class enjoys, the greater will be the
competition in all the different trades which compose it, and the
cheaper will the other two classes be supplied, both with foreign
goods and with the manufactured produce of their own country.
It can never be the interest of the unproductive class to oppress
the other two classes. It is the surplus produce of the land, or
what remains after deducting the maintenance, first of the
cultivators, and afterwards of the proprietors, that maintains
and employs the unproductive class. The greater this surplus, the
greater must likewise be the maintenance and employment of that
class. The establishment of perfect justice, of perfect liberty,
and of perfect equality, is the very simple secret which most
effectually secures the highest degree of prosperity to all the
three classes.
The merchants, artificers, and manufacturers of those mercantile
states, which, like Holland and Hamburgh, consist chiefly of this
unproductive class, are in the same manner maintained and
employed altogether at the expense of the proprietors and
cultivators of land. The only difference is, that those
proprietors and cultivators are, the greater part of them, placed
at a most inconvenient distance from the merchants, artificers,
and manufacturers, whom they supply with the materials of their
work and the fund of their subsistence; are the inhabitants of
other countries, and the subjects of other governments.
Such mercantile states, however, are not only useful, but greatly
useful, to the inhabitants of those other countries. They fill
up, in some measure, a very important void ; and supply the place
of the merchants, artificers, and manufacturers, whom the
inhabitants of those countries ought to find at home, but whom,
from some defect in their policy, they do not find at home.
It can never be the interest of those landed nations, if I may
call them so, to discourage or distress the industry of such
mercantile states, by imposing high duties upon their trade, or
upon the commodities which they furnish. Such duties, by
rendering those commodities dearer, could serve only to sink the
real value of the surplus produce of their own land, with which,
or, what comes to the same thing, with the price of which those
commodities are purchased. Such duties could only serve to
discourage the increase of that surplus produce, and consequently
the improvement and cultivation of their own land. The most
effectual expedient, on the contrary, for raising the value of
that surplus produce, for encouraging its increase, and
consequently the improvement and cultivation of their own land,
would be to allow the most perfect freedom to the trade of all
such mercantile nations.
This perfect freedom of trade would even be the most effectual
expedient for supplying them, in due time, with all the
artificers, manufacturers, and merchants, whom they wanted at
home; and for filling up, in the properest and most advantageous
manner, that very important void which they felt there.
The continual increase of the surplus produce of their land
would, in due time, create a greater capital than what would be
employed with the ordinary rate of profit in the improvement and
cultivation of land; and the surplus part of it would naturally
turn itself to the employment of artificers and manufacturers, at
home. But these artificers and manufacturers, finding at home
both the materials of their work and the fund of their
subsistence, might immediately, even with much less art and skill
be able to work as cheap as the little artificers and
manufacturers of such mercantile states, who had both to bring
from a greater distance. Even though, from want of art and skill,
they might not for some time be able to work as cheap, yet,
finding a market at home, they might be able to sell their work
there as cheap as that of the artificers and manufacturers of
such mercantile states. which could not be brought to that market
but from so great a distance ; and as their art and skill
improved, they would soon be able to sell it cheaper. The
artificers and manufacturers of such mercantile states,
therefore, would immediately be rivalled in the market of those
landed nations, and soon after undersold and justled out of it
altogether. The cheapness of the manufactures of those landed
nations, in consequence of the gradual improvements of art and
skill, would, in due time, extend their sale beyond the home
market, and carry them to many foreign markets, from which they
would, in the same manner, gradually justle out many of the
manufacturers of such mercantile nations.
This continual increase, both of the rude and manufactured
produce of those landed nations, would, in due time, create a
greater capital than could, with the ordinary rate of profit, be
employed either in agriculture or in manufactures. The surplus of
this capital would naturally turn itself to foreign trade and be
employed in exporting, to foreign countries, such parts of the
rude and manufactured produce of its own country, as exceeded the
demand of the home market. In the exportation of the produce of
their own country, the merchants of a landed nation would have an
advantage of the same kind over those of mercantile nations,
which its artificers and manufacturers had over the artificers
and manufacturers of such nations; the advantage of finding at
home that cargo, and those stores and provisions, which the
others were obliged to seek for at a distance. With inferior art
and skill in navigation, therefore, they would be able to sell
that cargo as cheap in foreign markets as the merchants of such
mercantile nations; and with equal art and skill they would be
able to sell it cheaper. They would soon, therefore, rival those
mercantile nations in this branch of foreign trade, and, in due
time, would justle them out of it altogether.
According to this liberal and generous system, therefore, the
most advantageous method in which a landed nation can raise up
artificers, manufacturers, and merchants of its own, is to grant
the most perfect freedom of trade to the artificers,
manufacturers, and merchants of all other nations. It thereby
raises the value of the surplus produce of its own land, of which
the continual increase gradually establishes a fund, which, in
due time, necessarily raises up all the artificers,
manufacturers, and merchants, whom it has occasion for.
When a landed nation on the contrary, oppresses, either by high
duties or by prohibitions, the trade of foreign nations, it
necessarily hurts its own interest in two different ways. First,
by raising the price of all foreign goods, and of all sorts of
manufactures, it necessarily sinks the real value of the surplus
produce of its own land, with which, or, what comes to the same
thing, with the price of which, it purchases those foreign goods
and manufactures. Secondly, by giving a sort of monopoly of the
home market to its own merchants, artificers, and manufacturers,
it raises the rate of mercantile and manufacturing profit, in
proportion to that of agricultural profit; and, consequently,
either draws from agriculture a part of the capital which had
before been employed in it, or hinders from going to it a part of
what would otherwise have gone to it. This policy, therefore,
discourages agriculture in two different ways; first, by sinking
the real value of its produce, and thereby lowering the rate of
its profits; and, secondly, by raising the rate of profit in all
other employments. Agriculture is rendered less advantageous, and
trade and manufactures more advantageous, than they otherwise
would be; and every man is tempted by his own interest to turn,
as much as he can, both his capital and his industry from the
former to the latter employments.
Though, by this oppressive policy, a landed nation should be able
to raise up artificers, manufacturers, and merchants of its own,
somewhat sooner than it could do by the freedom of trade; a
matter, however, which is not a little doubtful ; yet it would
raise them up, if one may say so, prematurely, and before it was
perfectly ripe for them. By raising up too hastily one species of
industry, it would depress another more valuable species of
industry. By raising up too hastily a species of industry which
duly replaces the stock which employs it, together with the
ordinary profit, it would depress a species of industry which,
over and above replacing that stock, with its profit, affords
likewise a neat produce, a free rent to the landlord. It would
depress productive labour, by encouraging too hastily that labour
which is altogether barren and unproductive.
In what manner, according to this system, the sum total of the
annual produce of the land is distributed among the three classes
above mentioned, and in what manner the labour of the
unproductive class does no more than replace the value of its own
consumption, without increasing in any respect the value of that
sum total, is represented by Mr Quesnai, the very ingenious and
profound author of this system, in some arithmetical formularies.
The first of these formularies, which, by way of eminence, he
peculiarly distinguishes by the name of the Economical Table,
represents the manner in which he supposes this distribution
takes place, in a state of the most perfect liberty, and,
therefore, of the highest prosperity; in a state where the annual
produce is such as to afford the greatest possible neat produce,
and where each class enjoys its proper share of the whole annual
produce. Some subsequent formularies represent the manner in
which he supposes this distribution is made in different states
of restraint and regulation ; in which, either the class of
proprietors, or the barren and unproductive class, is more
favoured than the class of cultivators ; and in which either the
one or the other encroaches, more or less, upon the share which
ought properly to belong to this productive class. Every such
encroachment, every violation of that natural distribution, which
the most perfect liberty would establish, must, according to this
system, necessarily degrade, more or less, from one year to
another, the value and sum total of the annual produce, and must
necessarily occasion a gradual declension in the real wealth and
revenue of the society ; a declension, of which the progress must
be quicker or slower, according to the degree of this
encroachment, according as that natural distribution, which the
most perfect liberty would establish, is more or less violated.
Those subsequent formularies represent the different degrees of
declension which, according to this system, correspond to the
different degrees in which this natural distribution of things is
violated.
Some speculative physicians seem to have imagined that the health
of the human body could be preserved only by a certain precise
regimen of diet and exercise,
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