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but an inner prompting stopped me, and instead I said: β€˜I am not a Communist, I am a human being, and I think I know the reactions of human beings. The Communists are no different from anyone else; whether they lose an arm or a leg, they suffer as all of us do, and die as all of us die. And the Communist mother is the same as any other mother. When she receives the tragic news that her sons will not return, she weeps as other mothers weep. I don’t have to be a Communist to know that. I have only to be a human being to know that. And at this moment Russian mothers are doing a lot of weeping and their sons a lot of dying.…’

I spoke for forty minutes, now knowing what was coming next. I made them laugh and applaud with anecdotes about Roosevelt and about my war-bond speech in the First World War – I could do no wrong.

I continued: β€˜And now this war – I am here on behalf of Russian war relief.’ I paused and repeated: β€˜Russian war relief. Money will help, but they need more than money. I am told that the Allies have two million soldiers languishing in the North of Ireland, while the Russians alone are facing about two hundred divisions of Nazis.’ There was intense silence. β€˜The Russians,’ I said emphatically, β€˜are our allies, they are not only fighting for their way of life, but for our way of life and if I know Americans they like to do their own fighting. Stalin wants it, Roosevelt has called for it – so let’s all call for it – let’s open a second front now!’

There was a wild uproar that lasted for seven minutes. That thought had been in the heart and mind of the audience. They would not let me go any further, they kept stamping and applauding. And as they stamped and yelled and threw their hats in the air, I began to wonder if I had said too much and had gone too far. Then I grew furious with myself for having such pusillanimous thoughts in the face of those thousands who were fighting and dying. When at last the audience was quiet, I said: β€˜As you feel this way about it, will each and every one please send a telegram to the President? Let’s hope that by tomorrow he will receive ten thousand requests for a second front!’

After the meeting I felt the atmosphere charge with tension and uneasiness. Dudley Field Malone, John Garfield and myself went somewhere for supper. β€˜You have a lot of courage,’ said Garfield, referring to my speech. His remark was disturbing, for I did not wish to be valorous or caught up in a political cause cΓ©lΓ¨bre. I had only spoken what I sincerely felt and thought was right. Nevertheless, after John’s remark I began to feel a depressing pall over the rest of the evening. But whatever menacing clouds I expected as a result of that speech evaporated, and back in Beverly Hills life went on as usual.

A few weeks later I had another request to speak by telephone at a mass meeting in Madison Square. As it was for the same cause I accepted – why not? It was sponsored by the most respectable of people and organizations. I spoke for fourteen minutes, which speech the Council of the Congress of Industrial Organizations thought fit to publish. I was not alone in this effort, as the following booklet issued by the C.I.O. will disclose:

THE SPEECH

β€˜ON THE BATTLEFIELDS OF RUSSIA

DEMOCRACY WILL LIVE OR DIE’

The great crowd, previously warned not to interrupt with applause, hushed and strained for every word.

Thus they listened for fourteen minutes to Charles Chaplin, the great people’s artist of America, as he spoke to them by telephone from Hollywood.

In the early evening of 22 July 1942, sixty thousand trade unionists, members of civic, fraternal, veteran, community and church organizations and others gathered at Madison Square Park in New York to rally in support of President Franklin D. Roosevelt for the immediate opening of a second front to hasten the final victory over Hitler and the Axis.

The sponsors of the great demonstration were the 250 unions affiliated with the Greater New York Industrial Union Council, C.I.O. Wendell L. Willkie, Philip Murray, Sidney Hillman and many other prominent Americans sent enthusiastic messages to the rally.

Bright skies favoured the occasion. The flags of the Allied Nations flanked Old Glory on the speakers’ platform and placards with slogans of support for the President and slogans for opening the second front dotted the sea of people that choked the streets around the park.

Lucy Monroe led the singing of The Star-Spangled Banner to open the meeting and Jane Froman, Arlene Francis and several other popular stars of the American Theatre Wing entertained. United States Senators James M. Mead and Claude Pepper, Mayor F.H. La Guardia, Lieutenant Governor Charles Poletti, Representative Vito Marcantonio, Michael Quill and Joseph Curran, president of the New York C.I.O. Council, were the main speakers.

Said Senator Mead: β€˜We shall win this war only when we have enlisted the vast masses of people in Asia, in conquered Europe, in Africa, wholeheartedly and enthusiastically in the struggle for freedom.’ And Senator Pepper: β€˜He who hampers our efforts, who cries for restraint, is an enemy of the Republic.’ And Joseph Curran: β€˜We have the men. We have the materials. We know the one way to win – and that is to open a second front now.’

The massed crowd cheered with united voice every mention of the President, of the second front and of our heroic allies, the courageous fighters and people of the Soviet Union, Britain and China. Then came the address of Charles Chaplin via long-distance telephone.

TO SUPPORT THE PRESIDENT’S RALLY

FOR A SECOND FRONT NOW!

Madison Square Park, July 22 1942

β€˜On the battlefields of Russia democracy will live or die. The fate of the Allied nations is in the hands of the

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