An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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plate would be the sole advantage which the world could derive from the one
event; and the dearness and scarcity of those trifling superfluities, the
only inconveniency it could suffer from the other.
Conclusion of the Digression concerning the Variations in the Value of
Silver.
The greater part of the writers who have collected the money price of things
in ancient times, seem to have considered the low money price of corn, and
of goods in general, or, in other words, the high value of gold and silver,
as a proof, not only of the scarcity of those metals, but of the poverty and
barbarism of the country at the time when it took place. This notion is
connected with the system of political economy, which represents national
wealth as consisting in the abundance and national poverty in the scarcity,
of gold and silver ; a system which I shall endeavour to explain and examine
at great length in the fourth book of this Inquiry. I shall only observe at
present, that the high value of the precious metals can be no proof of the
poverty or barbarism of any particular country at the time when it took
place. It is a proof only of the barrenness of the mines which happened at
that time to supply the commercial world. A poor country, as it cannot
afford to buy more, so it can as little afford to pay dearer for gold and
silver than a rich one ; and the value of those metals, therefore, is not
likely to be higher in the former than in the latter. In China, a country
much richer than any part of Europe, the value of the precious metals is
much higher than in any part of Europe. As the wealth of Europe, indeed, has
increased greatly since the discovery of the mines of America, so the value
of gold and silver has gradually diminished. This diminution of their
value, however, has not been owing to the increase of the real wealth of
Europe, of the annual produce of its land and labour, but to the accidental
discovery of more abundant mines than any that were known before. The
increase of the quantity of gold and silver in Europe, and the increase of
its manufactures and agriculture, are two events which, though they have
happened nearly about the same time, yet have arisen from very different
causes, and have scarce any natural connection with one another. The one has
arisen from a mere accident, in which neither prudence nor policy either had
or could have any share; the other, from the fall of the feudal system, and
from the establishment of a government which afforded to industry the only
encouragement which it requires, some tolerable security that it shall enjoy
the fruits of its own labour. Poland, where the feudal system still
continues to take place, is at this day as beggarly a country as it was
before the discovery of America. The money price of corn, however, has risen
; the real value of the precious metals has fallen in Poland, in the same
manner as in other parts of Europe. Their quantity, therefore, must have
increased there as in other places, and nearly in the same proportion to the
annual produce of its land and labour. This increase of the quantity of
those metals, however, has not, it seems, increased that annual produce, has
neither improved the manufactures and agriculture of the country, nor mended
the circumstances of its inhabitants. Spain and Portugal, the countries
which possess the mines, are, after Poland, perhaps the two most beggarly
countries in Europe. The value of the precious metals, however, must be
lower in Spain and Portugal than in any other part of Europe, as they come
from those countries to all other parts of Europe, loaded, not only with a
freight and an insurance, but with the expense of smuggling, their
exportation being either prohibited or subjected to a duty. In proportion to
the annual produce of the land and labour, therefore, their quantity must be
greater in those countries than in any other part of Europe; those
countries, however, are poorer than the greater part of Europe. Though the
feudal system has been abolished in Spain and Portugal, it has not been
succeeded by a much better.
As the low value of gold and silver, therefore, is no proof of the wealth
and flourishing state of the country where it takes place ; so neither is
their high value, or the low money price either of goods in general, or of
corn in particular, any proof of its poverty and barbarism.
But though the low money price, either of goods in general, or of corn in
particular, be no proof of the poverty or barbarism of the times, the low
money price of some particular sorts of goods, such as cattle, poultry, game
of all kinds, etc. in proportion to that of corn, is a most decisive one. It
clearly demonstrates, first, their great abundance in proportion to that of
corn, and, consequently, the great extent of the land which they occupied in
proportion to what was occupied by corn ; and, secondly, the low value of
this land in proportion to that of corn land, and, consequently, the
uncultivated and unimproved state of the far greater part of the lands of
the country. It clearly demonstrates, that the stock and population of the
country did not bear the same proportion to the extent of its territory,
which they commonly do in civilized countries ; and that society was at that
time, and in that country, but in its infancy. From the high or low money
price, either of goods in general, or of corn in particular, we can infer
only, that the mines, which at that time happened to supply the commercial
world with gold and silver, were fertile or barren, not that the country was
rich or poor. But from the high or low money price of some sorts of goods in
proportion to that of others, we can infer, with a degree of probability
that approaches almost to certainty, that it was rich or poor, that the
greater part of its lands were improved or unimproved, and that it was
either in a more or less barbarous state, or in a more or less civilized
one.
Any rise in the money price of goods which proceeded altogether from the
degradation of the value of silver, would affect all sorts of goods equally,
and raise their price universally, a third, or a fourth, or a fifth part
higher, according as silver happened to lose a third, or a fourth, or a
fifth part of its former value. But the rise in the price of provisions,
which has been the subject of so much reasoning and conversation, does not
affect all sorts of provisions equally. Taking the course of the present
century at an average, the price of corn, it is acknowledged, even by those
who account for this rise by the degradation of the value of silver, has
risen much less than that of some other sorts of provisions. The rise in the
price of those other sorts of provisions, therefore, cannot be owing
altogether to the degradation of the value of silver. Some other causes must
be taken into the account ; and those which have been above assigned, will,
perhaps, without having recourse to the supposed degradation of the value of
silver, sufficiently explain this rise in those particular sorts of
provisions, of which the price has actually risen in proportion to that of
corn.
As to the price of corn itself, it has, during the sixty-four first years of
the present century, and before the late extraordinary course of bad
seasons, been somewhat lower than it was during the sixty-four last years of
the preceding century. This fact is attested, not only by the accounts of
Windsor market, but by the public fiars of all the different counties of
Scotland, and by the accounts of several different markets in France, which
have been collected with great diligence and fidelity by Mr Messance, and by
Mr DuprοΏ½ de St Maur. The evidence is more complete than could well have been
expected in a matter which is naturally so very difficult to be ascertained.
As to the high price of corn during these last ten or twelve years, it can
be sufficiently accounted for from the badness of the seasons, without
supposing any degradation in the value of silver.
The opinion, therefore, that silver is continually sinking in its value,
seems not to be founded upon any good observations, either upon the prices
of corn, or upon those of other provisions.
The same quantity of silver, it may perhaps be said, will, in the present
times, even according to the account which has been here given, purchase a
much smaller quantity of several sorts of provisions than it would have done
during some part of the last century ; and to ascertain whether this change
be owing to a rise in the value of those goods, or to a fall in the value of
silver, is only to establish a vain and useless distinction, which can be of
no sort of service to the man who has only a certain quantity of silver to
go to market with, or a certain fixed revenue in money. I certainly do not
pretend that the knowledge of this distinction will enable him to buy
cheaper. It may not, however, upon that account be altogether useless.
It may be of some use to the public, by affording an easy proof of the
prosperous condition of the country. If the rise in the price of some sorts
of provisions be owing altogether to a fall in the value of silver, it is
owing to a circumstance, from which nothing can be inferred but the
fertility of the American mines. The real wealth of the country, the annual
produce of its land and labour, may, notwithstanding this circumstance, be
either gradually declining, as in Portugal and Poland ; or gradually
advancing, as in most other parts of Europe. But if this rise in the price
of some sorts of provisions be owing to a rise in the real value of the land
which produces them, to its increased fertility, or, in consequence of more
extended improvement and good cultivation, to its having been rendered fit
for producing corn; it is owing to a circumstance which indicates, in the
clearest manner, the prosperous and advancing state of the country. The land
constitutes by far the greatest, the most important, and the most durable
part of the wealth of every extensive country. It may surely be of some use,
or, at least, it may give some satisfaction to the public, to have so
decisive a proof of the increasing value of by far the greatest, the most
important, and the most durable part of its wealth.
It may, too, be of some use to the public, in regulating the pecuniary
reward of some of its inferior servants. If this rise in the price of some
sorts of provisions be owing to a fall in the value of silver, their
pecuniary reward, provided it was not too large before, ought certainly to
be augmented in proportion to the extent of this fall. If it is not
augmented, their real recompence will evidently be so much diminished. But
if this rise of price is owing to the increased value, in consequence of the
improved fertility of the land which produces such provisions, it becomes a
much nicer matter to judge, either in what proportion any pecuniary reward
ought to be augmented, or whether it ought to be augmented at all. The
extension of improvement and cultivation, as it
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