An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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of Europe ? It is now more than two hundred years since the beginning of the
reign of Elizabeth, a period as long as the course of human prosperity
usually endures.
France seems to have had a considerable share of foreign commerce, near a
century before England was distinguished as a commercial country. The marine
of France was considerable, according to the notions of the times, before
the expedition of Charles VIII. to Naples. The cultivation and improvement
of France, however, is, upon the whole, inferior to that of England. The law
of the country has never given the same direct encouragement to agriculture.
The foreign commerce of Spain and Portual to the other parts of Europe,
though chiefly carried on in foreign ships, is very considerable. That to
their colonies is carried on in their own, and is much greater, on account
of the great riches and extent of those colonies. But it has never
introduced any considerable manufactures for distant sale into either of
those countries, and the greater part of both still remains uncultivated.
The foreign commerce of Portugal is of older standing than that of any great
country in Europe, except Italy.
Italy is the only great country of Europe which seems to have been
cultivated and improved in every part, by means of foreign commerce and
manufactures for distant sale. Before the invasion of Charles VIII., Italy,
according to Guicciardini, was cultivated not less in the most mountainous
and barren parts of the country, than in the plainest and most fertile. The
advantageous situation of the country, and the great number of independent
status which at that time subsisted in it, probably contributed not a little
to this general cultivation. It is not impossible, too, notwithstanding this
general expression of one of the most judicious and reserved of modern
historians, that Italy was not at that time better cultivated than England
is at present.
The capital, however, that is acquired to any country by commerce and
manufactures, is always a very precarious and uncertain possession, till
some part of it has been secured and realized in the cultivation and
improvement of its lands. A merchant, it has been said very properly, is not
necessarily the citizen of any particular country. It is in a great measure
indifferent to him from what place he carries on his trade ; and a very
trifling disgust will make him remove his capital, and, together with it,
all the industry which it supports, from one country to another. No part of
it can be said to belong to any particular country, till it has been spread,
as it were, over the face of that country, either in buildings, or in the
lasting improvement of lands. No vestige now remains of the great wealth
said to have been possessed by the greater part of the Hanse Towns, except
in the obscure histories of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is
even uncertain where some of them were situated, or to what towns in Europe
the Latin names given to some of them belong. But though the misfortunes of
Italy, in the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries,
greatly diminished the commerce and manufactures of the cities of Lombardy
and Tuscany, those countries still continue to be among the most populous
and best cultivated in Europe. The civil wars of Flanders, and the Spanish
government which succeeded them, chased away the great commerce of Antwerp,
Ghent, and Bruges. But Flanders still continues to be one of the richest,
best cultivated, and most populous provinces of Europe. The ordinary
revolutions of war and government easily dry up the sources of that wealth
which arises from commerce only. That which arises from the more solid
improvements of agriculture is much more durable, and cannot be destroyed
but by those more violent convulsions occasioned by the depredations of
hostile and barbarous nations continued for a century or two together ; such
as those that happened for some time before and after the fall of the Roman
empire in the western provinces of Europe.
BOOK IV.
OF SYSTEMS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY.
Political economy, considered as a branch of the science of a
statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects; first, to
provide a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people, or,
more properly, to enable them to provide such a revenue or
subsistence for themselves; and, secondly, to supply the state or
commonwealth with a revenue sufficient for the public services.
It proposes to enrich both the people and the sovereign.
The different progress of opulence in different ages and nations,
has given occasion to two different systems of political economy,
with regard to enrichiug the people. The one may be called the
system of commerce, the other that of agriculture. I shall
endeavour to explain both as fully and distinctly as I can, and
shall begin with the system of commerce. It is the modern system,
and is best understood in our own country and in our own times.
CHAPTER I.
OF THE PRINCIPLE OF THE COMMERCIAL OR MERCANTILE SYSTEM.
That wealth consists in money, or in gold and silver, is a
popular notion which naturally arises from the double function of
money, as the instrument of commerce, and as the measure of
value. In consequence of its being the instrument of commerce,
when we have money we can more readily obtain whatever else we
have occasion for, than by means of any other commodity. The
great affair, we always find, is to get money. When that is
obtained, there is no difficulty in making any subsequent
purchase. In consequence of its being the measure of value, we
estimate that of all other commodities by the quantity of money
which they will exchange for. We say of a rich man, that he is
worth a great deal, and of a poor man, that he is worth very
little money. A frugal man, or a man eager to be rich, is said to
love money ; and a careless, a generous, or a profuse man, is
said to be indifferent about it. To grow rich is to get money ;
and wealth and money, in short, are, in common language,
considered as in every respect synonymous.
A rich country, in the same manner as a rich man, is supposed to
be a country abounding in money ; and to heap up gold and silver
in any country is supposed to be the readiest way to enrich it.
For some time after the discovery of America, the first inquiry
of the Spaniards, when they arrived upon any unknown coast, used
to be, if there was any gold or silver to be found in the
neighbourhood? By the information which they received, they
judged whether it was worth while to make a settlement there, or
if the country was worth the conquering. Plano Carpino, a monk
sent ambassador from the king of France to one of the sons of the
famous Gengis Khan, says, that the Tartars used frequently to ask
him, if there was plenty of sheep and oxen in the kingdom of
France ? Their inquiry had the same object with that of the
Spaniards. They wanted to know if the country was rich enough to
be worth the conquering. Among the Tartars, as among all other
nations of shepherds, who are generally ignorant of the use of
money, cattle are the instruments of commerce and the measures of
value. Wealth, therefore, according to them, consisted in cattle,
as, according to the Spaniards, it consisted in gold and silver.
Of the two, the Tartar notion, perhaps, was the nearest to the
truth.
Mr Locke remarks a distinction between money and other moveable
goods. All other moveable goods, he says, are of so consumable a
nature, that the wealth which consists in them cannot be much
depended on; and a nation which abounds in them one year may,
without any exportation, but merely by their own waste and
extravagance, be in great want of them the next. Money, on the
contrary, is a steady friend, which, though it may travel about
from hand to hand, yet if it can be kept from going out of the
country, is not very liable to be wasted and consumed. Gold and
silver, therefore, are, according to him, the must solid and
substantial part of the moveable wealth of a nation ; and to
multiply those metals ought, he thinks, upon that account, to be
the great object of its political economy.
Others admit, that if a nation could be separated from all the
world, it would be of no consequence how much or how little money
circulated in it. The consumable goods, which were circulated by
means of this money, would only be exchanged for a greater or a
smaller number of pieces; but the real wealth or poverty of the
country, they allow, would depend altogether upon the abundance
or scarcity of those consumable goods. But it is otherwise, they
think, with countries which have connections with foreign
nations, and which are obliged to carry on foreign wars, and to
maintain fleets and armies in distant countries. This, they say,
cannot be done, but by sending abroad money to pay them with ;
and a nation cannot send much money abroad, unless it has a good
deal at home. Every such nation, therefore, must endeavour, in
time of peace, to accumulate gold and silver, that when occasion
requires, it may have wherewithal to carry on foreign wars.
In consequence of those popular notions, all the different
nations of Europe have studied, though to little purpose, every
possible means of accumulating gold and silver in their
respective countries. Spain and Portugal, the proprietors of the
principal mines which supply Europe with those metals, have
either prohibited their exportation under the severest penalties,
or subjected it to a considerable duty. The like prohibition
seems anciently to have made a part of the policy of most other
European nations. It is even to be found, where we should least
of all expect to find it, in some old Scotch acts of Parliament,
which forbid, under heavy penalties, the carrying gold or silver
forth of the kingdom. The like policy anciently took place both
in France and England.
When those countries became commercial, the merchants found this
prohibition, upon many occasions, extremely inconvenient. They
could frequently buy more advantageously with gold and silver,
than with any other commodity, the foreign goods which they
wanted, either to import into their own, or to carry to some
other foreign country. They remonstrated, therefore, against this
prohibition as hurtful to trade.
They represented, first, that the exportation of gold and silver,
in order to purchase foreign goods, did not always diminish the
quantity of those metals in the kingdom ; that, on the contrary,
it might frequently increase the quantity ; because, if the
consumption of foreign goods was not thereby increased in the
country, those goods might be re-exported to foreign countries,
and being there sold for a large profit, might bring back much
more treasure than was originally sent out to purchase them. Mr
Mun compares this operation of foreign trade to the seedtime and
harvest of agriculture. βIf we only behold,β says he, βthe
actions of the husbandman in the seed. time, when he casteth away
much good corn into the ground, we shall account him rather a
madman than a husbandman. But when we consider his labours in the
harvest, which is the end of his endeavours, we shall find the
worth and plentiful increase of his actions.β
They represented, secondly, that this prohibition could not
hinder the exportation of gold and silver, which, on account of
the smallness of their bulk in proportion to their value, could
easily be smuggled abroad. That this exportation could only
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