An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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- Author: Adam Smith
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bounties, sometimes by advantageous treaties of commerce with
foreign states, and sometimes by the establishment of colonies in
distant countries.
Drawbacks were given upon two different occasions. When the home
manufactures were subject to any duty or excise, either the whole
or a part of it was frequently drawn back upon their exportation
; and when foreign goods liable to a duty were imported, in order
to be exported again, either the whole or a part of this duty was
sometimes given back upon such exportation.
Bounties were given for the encouragemnent, either of some
beginning manufactures, or of such sorts of industry of other
kinds as were supposed to deserve particular favour.
By advantageous treaties of commerce, particular privileges were
procured in some foreign state for the goods and merchants of the
country, beyond what were granted to those of other countries.
By the establishment of colonies in distant countries, not only
particular privileges, but a monopoly was frequently procured for
the goods and merchants of the country which established them.
The two sorts of restraints upon importation above mentioned,
together with these four encouragements to exportation,
constitute the six principal means by which the commercial system
proposes to increase the quantity of gold and silver in any
country, by turning the balance of trade in its favour. I shall
consider each of them in a particular chapter, and, without
taking much farther notice of their supposed tendency to bring
money into the country, I shall examine chiefly what are likely
to be the effects of each of them upon the annual produce of its
industry. According as they tend either to increase or diminish
the value of this annual produce, they must evidently tend either
to increase or diminish the real wealth and revenue of the
country.
CHAPTER II.
OF RESTRAINTS UPON IMPORTATION FROM FOREIGN COUNTRIES OF SUCH
GOODS AS CAN BE PRODUCED AT HOME.
By restraining, either by high duties, or by absolute
prohibitions, the importation of such goods from foreign
countries as can be produced at home, the monopoly of the home
market is more or less secured to the domestic industry employed
in producing them. Thus the prohibition of importing either live
cattle or salt provisions from foreign countries, secures to the
graziers of Great Britain the monopoly of the home market for
butcherβs meat. The high duties upon the importation of corn,
which, in times of moderate plenty, amount to a prohibition, give
a like advantage to the growers of that commodity. The
prohibition of the importation of foreign woollen is equally
favourable to the woollen manufacturers. The silk manufacture,
though altogether employed upon foreign materials, has lately
obtained the same advantage. The linen manufacture has not yet
obtained it, but is making great strides towards it. Many other
sorts of manufactures have, in the same manner obtained in Great
Britain, either altogether, or very nearly, a monopoly against
their countrymen. The variety of goods, of which the importation
into Great Britain is prohibited, either absolutely, or under
certain circumstances, greatly exceeds what can easily be
suspected by those who are not well acquainted with the laws of
the customs.
That this monopoly of the home market frequently gives great
encouragement to that particular species of industry which enjoys
it, and frequently turns towards that employment a greater share
of both the labour and stock of the society than would otherwise
have gone to it, cannot be doubted. But whether it tends either
to increase the general industry of the society, or to give it
the most advantageous direction, is not, perhaps, altogether so
evident.
The general industry of the society can never exceed what the
capital of the society can employ. As the number of workmen that
can be kept in employment by any particular person must bear a
certain proportion to his capital, so the number of those that
can be continually employed by all the members of a great society
must bear a certain proportion to the whole capital of the
society, and never can exceed that proportion. No regulation of
commerce can increase the quantity of industry in any society
beyond what its capital can maintain. It can only divert a part
of it into a direction into which it might not otherwise have
gone; and it is by no means certain that this artificial
direction is likely to be more advantageous to the society, than
that into which it would have gone of its own accord.
Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the
most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command.
It is his own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society,
which he has in view. But the study of his own advantage
naturally, or rather necessarily, leads him to prefer that
employment which is most advantageous to the society.
First, every individual endeavours to employ his capital as near
home as he can, and consequently as much as he can in the support
of domestic industry, provided always that he can thereby obtain
the ordinary, or not a great deal less than the ordinary profits
of stock.
Thus, upon equal, or nearly equal profits, every wholesale
merchant naturally prefers the home trade to the foreign trade of
consumption, and the foreign trade of consumption to the carrying
trade. In the home trade, his capital is never so long out of his
sight as it frequently is in the foreign trade of consumption. He
can know better the character and situation of the persons whom
he trusts; and if he should happen to be deceived, he knows
better the laws of the country from which he must seek redress.
In the carrying trade, the capital of the merchant is, as it
were, divided between two foreign countries, and no part of it is
ever necessarily brought home, or placed under his own immediate
view and command. The capital which an Amsterdam merchant employs
in carrying corn from Koningsberg to Lisbon, and fruit and wine
from Lisbon to Koningsberg, must generally be the one half of it
at Koningsberg, and the other half at Lisbon. No part of it need
ever come to Amsterdam. The natural residence of such a merchant
should either be at Koningsberg or Lisbon ; and it can only be
some very particular circumstances which can make him prefer the
residence of Amsterdam. The uneasiness, however, which he feels
at being separated so far from his capital, generally determines
him to bring part both of the Koningsberg goods which he destines
for the market of Lisbon, and of the Lisbon goods which he
destines for that of Koningsberg, to Amsterdam ; and though this
necessarily subjects him to a double charge of loading and
unloading as well as to the payment of some duties and customs,
yet, for the sake of having some part of his capital always under
his own view and command, he willingly submits to this
extraordinary charge; and it is in this manner that every country
which has any considerable share of the carrying trade, becomes
always the emporium, or general market, for the goods of all the
different countries whose trade it carries on. The merchant, in
order to save a second loading and unloading, endeavours always
to sell in the home market, as much of the goods of all those
different countries as he can; and thus, so far as he can, to
convert his carrying trade into a foreign trade of consumption. A
merchant, in the same manner, who is engaged in the foreign trade
of consumption, when he collects goods for foreign markets, will
always be glad, upon equal or nearly equal profits, to sell as
great a part of them at home as he can. He saves himself the risk
and trouble of exportation, when, so far as he can, he thus
converts his foreign trade of consumption into a home trade. Home
is in this manner the centre, if I may say so, round which the
capitals of the inhabitants of every country are continually
circulating, and towards which they are always tending, though,
by particular causes, they may sometimes be driven off and
repelled from it towards more distant employments. But a capital
employed in the home trade, it has already been shown,
necessarily puts into motion a greater quantity of domestic
industry, and gives revenue and employment to a greater number of
the inhabitants of the country, than an equal capital employed in
the foreign trade of consumption; and one employed in the foreign
trade of consumption has the same advantage over an equal capital
employed in the carrying trade. Upon equal, or only nearly equal
profits, therefore, every individual naturally inclines to employ
his capital in the manner in which it is likely to afford the
greatest support to domestic industry, and to give revenue and
employment to the greatest number of people of his own country.
Secondly, every individual who employs his capital in the support
of domestic industry, necessarily endeavours so to direct that
industry, that its produce may be of the greatest possible value.
The produce of industry is what it adds to the subject or
materials upon which it is employed. In proportion as the value
of this produce is great or small, so will likewise be the
profits of the employer. But it is only for the sake of profit
that any man employs a capital in the support of industry; and he
will always, therefore, endeavour to employ it in the support of
that industry of which the produce is likely to be of the
greatest value, or to exchange for the greatest quantity either
of money or of other goods.
But the annual revenue of every society is always precisely equal
to the exchangeable value of the whole annual produce of its
industry, or rather is precisely the same thing with that
exchangeable value. As every individual, therefore, endeavours as
much as he can, both to employ his capital in the support of
domestic industry, and so to direct that industry that its
produce maybe of the greatest value; every individual necessarily
labours to render the annual revenue of the society as great as
he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the
public interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. By
preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry,
he intends only his own security ; and by directing that industry
in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he
intends only his own gain; and he is in this, as in many other
cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no
part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the society
that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest, he
frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than
when he really intends to promote it. I have never known much
good done by those who affected to trade for the public good. It
is an affectation, indeed, not very common among merchants, and
very few words need be employed in dissuading them from it.
What is the species of domestic industry which his capital can
employ, and of which the produce is likely to be of the greatest
value, every individual, it is evident, can in his local
situation judge much better than any statesman or lawgiver can do
for him. The statesmn, who should attempt to direct private
people in what manner they ought to employ their capitals, would
not only load himself with a most unnecessary attention, but
assume an authority which could safely be trusted, not only to no
single person, but to no council or senate whatever. and which
would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a man who
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