The Assassins by Alan Bardos (read novel full .TXT) 📕

'What if our demands are rejected?' Berchtold asked.

'Then we'd have the moral justification for taking military action - something along the lines of a short term occupation of Belgrade, not a full scale destruction of Serbia, which Russia would never stand for.'

Berchtold pointed out that previous diplomatic victories against Serbia may have increased the Monarchy’s standing in Europe, but they'd only stirred up further trouble among the nationalists in the Balkans, which had led directly to the assassination of the heir to the throne. It was time for a radical solution and to do away with the Pan-Slav movements once and for all.

Berchtold’s statement was strongly applauded. Sturgkh added his endorsement. 'If we employ a policy of indecision and weakness, Germany could lose confidence in the Monarchy and withdraw its support.' Bilinski and Krobatin also agreed, arguing that a diplomatic victory would be pointless unless it led to war.

'I am not convinced that the Serbian Government was complicit in the assassination,' Tisza said. His statement was met with dismay by the council members. Constitutionally, they needed his assent before any resolution could be passed.

Tisza was nonplussed by the reaction of his council colleagues. 'There is some evidence to suggest that Serbia trained and equipped the terrorists who carried out this terrible outrage, but it is not conclusive,’ he said, before looking at Breitner. ‘There is even some evidence to suggest that the terrorists were acting on their own initiative. We need proof before an ultimatum can be delivered. I therefore suggest further investigation to find out the extent of Serbia’s involvement - then we can put informed demands to the Serbian Government. If they fail to meet these demands, military action will be inevitable. We will then legitimately be able to argue that we are acting in self defence and would not run the risk of alienating the Balkan states and starting a war we cannot win.'

Tisza put in a final caveat. 'While our demands should humiliate Serbia, they should not be so excessive that they couldn't possibly accept them - otherwise the whole exercise would be wasted.'

The Joint Council had little choice other than to accept Count Tisza's proposal. Breitner was delighted; he may not have saved his country from war, but he might at least have helped to save it from annihilation. He hoped that it would be enough.

*

Johnny waited in a long, draughty corridor, surrounded by the Imperial grandeur of an empire in decline. He wasn't sure what possible use he could be now; he'd done his bit and wanted to find Libby, so he could press on to Brussels.

The self-important Hungarian aristocrat had insisted that he be at hand - Johnny thought that his impudence was astounding. It was almost enough to make him want to take up Princip's banner of violent action. Johnny smiled to himself; he couldn't imagine a rabid revolutionary who liked his creature comforts as much as he did.

He wondered briefly what had happened to Gavro and the rest. Then he decided that it was probably best not to ask; he didn't really care anyway. They'd known it was a one way ticket from the start and Johnny still had a lot more living to do - something he planned to start immediately with the lovely Lady Elizabeth Smyth, before she went back to her husband and he moved onto his beguiling dancer.

He considered himself to have been dashed lucky to have met Pinkie at the station. Johnny and Breitner had arrived in Vienna some time earlier, but it seemed fitting to make a final farewell to the Royal couple, whose lives had become so inextricably entwined with their own.

Pinkie had approached them, introduced himself to Breitner and invited them both to a gathering at the Embassy in honour of Franz Ferdinand. Such things were apparently essential to measure the mood of the diplomatic community. Pinkie even hinted that Libby would be there and Johnny decided that he'd been wrong about Pinkie and that he was in fact, a bloody decent chap.

Breitner had declined the invitation, but made no objection to Johnny attending. Breitner hadn't been at the top of his game since their arrival in Vienna and Johnny assumed it was something to do with what had happened to this Redl chap.

Breitner and his new master, Count Tisza, finally came out of their conference and ushered Johnny into a room that had been decorated in a squiggly, white-gold, Rococo style. Tisza handed Johnny a letter with the Imperial Seal on it.

'Lovely job. That should do the trick. Much obliged, governor,' Johnny said. He wasn't sure how much use the letter would be now, but he thought he'd play the game. Unfortunately, his attempt at cheeky cockney didn't cut any more ice with the Hungarian Prime Minster than his schoolboy Hungarian had. Johnny grinned - it had still been worth the effort of learning it. There had been a very forceful Hungarian maid at his boarding house in Paris. She'd taught him the basics and quickly helped him get over his disappointment at being in Paris and not actually having a French maid. It was a truly unique language.

'I need you to accompany Breitner back to Sarajevo, to assist him in his investigations.' Tisza's voice cut through Johnny's memories.

'I beg your pardon. I think I missed something,' Johnny said.

Breitner gave Johnny a fierce look as the Count repeated himself. 'It's very likely that there will be a war. If so, as I’ve explained, we need to enter it in conditions favourable to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.'

Johnny understood. 'You don't want to look like the bad guys and bring in Russia and half the Balkan states against you. So you want Breitner and myself to go all the way back to Sarajevo and rake up some dirt to prove that the Serbians planned and executed the whole