Philip Dru: Administrator by Edward Mandell House (read people like a book txt) π
"I was speaking of those who have carried on only the forms of religion. Wrapped in the sanctity of their own small circle, they feel that their tiny souls are safe, and that they are following the example and precepts of Christ.
"The full splendor of Christ's love, the grandeur of His life and doctrine is to them a thing unknown. The infinite love, the sweet humility, the gentle charity, the subordination of self that the Master came to give a cruel, selfish and ignorant world, mean but little more to us to-day than it did to those to whom He gave it."
"And you who have chosen a military career say this," said the girl as her brother joined the pair.
To Philip her comment came as something of a shock, for he was unprepared for these words spoken with such a depth of feeling.
Gloria and Philip Dru spent most of graduation day together. He did not want to in
Read free book Β«Philip Dru: Administrator by Edward Mandell House (read people like a book txt) πΒ» - read online or download for free at americanlibrarybooks.com
- Author: Edward Mandell House
- Performer: -
Read book online Β«Philip Dru: Administrator by Edward Mandell House (read people like a book txt) πΒ». Author - Edward Mandell House
He divided the money that came to him amongst his followers, and this was one of the mainsprings of his power.
All things considered, it is not certain but that he gave Philadelphia as good government as her indifferent citizens deserved.
By the time I was thirty-six I had accumulated what seemed to me then, a considerable fortune, and I had furthermore become Hardyβs right-hand man.
He had his forces divided in several classes, of choice I was ranged among those whose duties were general and not local. I therefore had a survey of the city as a whole, and was not infrequently in touch with the masters of the State at large. Hardy concerned himself about my financial welfare to the extent of now and then inquiring whether my income was satisfactory, and the nature of it. I assured him that it was and that he need have no further thought of me in that connection. I told him that I was more ambitious to advance politically than financially, and, while expressing my gratitude for all he had done for me and my keen regret at the thought of leaving him, I spoke again of my desire to enter State politics.
Some six years before I had married the daughter of a State Senator, a man who was then seeking the gubernatorial nomination.
On my account, Hardy gave him cordial support, but the State boss had other plans, and my father-in-law was shelved βfor the moment,β as the boss expressed it, for one who suited his purposes better.
Both Hardy, my father-in-law, and their friends resented this action, because the man selected was not in line for the place and the boss was not conforming to the rules of the game.
They wanted to break openly and immediately, but I advised delay until we were strong enough to overthrow him.
The task of quietly organizing an effective opposition to the State boss was left to me, and although I lost no time, it was a year before I was ready to make the fight.
In the meanwhile, the boss had no intimation of the revolt. My father-in-law and Hardy had, by my direction, complied with all the requests that he made upon them, and he thought himself never more secure.
I went to the legislature that year in accordance with our plans, and announced myself a candidate for speaker. I did this without consulting the boss and purposely. He had already selected another man, and had publicly committed himself to his candidacy, which was generally considered equivalent to an election.
The candidate was a weak man, and if the boss had known the extent of the opposition that had developed, he would have made a stronger selection. As it was, he threw not only the weight of his own influence for his man and again irrevocably committed himself, but he had his creature, the Governor, do likewise.
My strength was still not apparent, for I had my forces well in hand, and while I had a few declare themselves for me, the major part were non-committal, and spoke in cautious terms of general approval of the bossβs candidate.
The result was a sensation. I was elected by a safe, though small, majority, and, as a natural result, the boss was deposed and I was proclaimed his successor.
I had found in organizing the revolt that there were many who had grievances which, from fear, they had kept hidden but when they were shown that they could safely be revenged, they eagerly took advantage of the opportunity.
So, in one campaign, I burst upon the public as the party leader, and the question was now, how would I use it and could I hold it.
Flushed though I was with victory, and with the flattery of friends, time servers and sycophants in my ears, I felt a deep sympathy for the boss. He was as a sinking ship and as such deserted. Yesterday a thing for envy, to-day an object of pity.
I wondered how long it would be before I, too, would be stranded.
The interests, were, of course, among the first to congratulate me and to assure me of their support. During that session of the legislature, I did not change the character of the legislation, or do anything very different from the usual. I wanted to feel my seat more firmly under me before attempting the many things I had in mind.
I took over into my camp all those that I could reasonably trust, and strengthened my forces everywhere as expeditiously as possible. I weeded out the incompetents, of whom there were many, and replaced them by big-hearted, loyal and energetic men, who had easy consciences when it came to dealing with the public affairs of either municipalities, counties or the State.
Of necessity, I had to use some who were vicious and dishonest, and who would betray me in a moment if their interests led that way. But of these there were few in my personal organization, though from experience, I knew their kind permeated the municipal machines to a large degree.
The lessons learned from Hardy were of value to me now. I was liberal to my following at the expense of myself, and I played the game fair as they knew it.
I declined re-election to the next legislature, because the office was not commensurate with the dignity of the position I held as party leader, and again, because the holding of state office was now a perilous undertaking.
In taking over the machine from the late boss, and in molding it into an almost personal following I found it not only loosely put together, but inefficient for my more ambitious purposes.
After giving it four or five years of close attention, I was satisfied with it, and I had no fear of dislodgment.
I had found that the interests were not paying anything like a commensurate amount for the special privileges they were getting, and I more than doubled the revenue obtained by the deposed boss.
This, of course, delighted my henchmen, and bound them more closely to me.
I also demanded and received information in advance of any extensions of railroads, standard or interurban, of contemplated improvements of whatsoever character, and I doled out this information to those of my followers in whose jurisdiction lay such territory.
My own fortune I augmented by advance information regarding the appreciation of stocks. If an amalgamation of two important institutions was to occur, or if they were to be put upon a dividend basis, or if the dividend rate was to be increased, I was told, not only in advance of the public, but in advance of the stockholders themselves.
All such information I held in confidence even from my own followers, for it was given me with such understanding.
My next move was to get into national politics. I became something of a factor at the national convention, by swinging Pennsylvaniaβs vote at a critical time; the result being the nomination of the now President, consequently my relations with him were most cordial.
The term of the senior Senator from our State was about to expire, and, although he was well advanced in years, he desired re-election.
I decided to take his seat for myself, so I asked the President to offer him an ambassadorship. He did not wish to make the change, but when he understood that it was that or nothing, he gracefully acquiesced in order that he might be saved the humiliation of defeat.
When he resigned, the Governor offered me the appointment for the unexpired term. It had only three months to run before the legislature met to elect his successor.
I told him that I could not accept until I had conferred with my friends. I had no intention of refusing, but I wanted to seem to defer to the judgment of my lieutenants.
I called them to the capital singly, and explained that I could be of vastly more service to the organization were I at Washington, and I arranged with them to convert the rank and file to this view.
Each felt that the weight of my decision rested upon himself, and their vanity was greatly pleased. I was begged not to renounce the leadership, and after persuasion, this I promised not to do.
As a matter of fact, it was never my intention to release my hold upon the State, thus placing myself in anotherβs power.
So I accepted the tender of the Senatorship, and soon after, when the legislature met, I was elected for the full term.
I was in as close touch with my State at Washington as I was before, for I spent a large part of my time there.
I was not in Washington long before I found that the Government was run by a few men; that outside of this little circle no one was of much importance.
It was my intention to break into it if possible, and my ambition now leaped so far as to want, not only to be of it, but later, to be IT.
I began my crusade by getting upon confidential terms with the President.
One night, when we were alone in his private study, I told him of the manner and completeness of my organization in Pennsylvania. I could see he was deeply impressed. He had been elected by an uncomfortably small vote, and he was, I knew, looking for someone to manage the next campaign, provided he again received the nomination.
The man who had done this work in the last election was broken in health, and had gone to Europe for an indefinite stay.
The President questioned me closely, and ended by asking me to undertake the direction of his campaign for re-nomination, and later to manage the campaign for his election in the event he was again the partyβs candidate.
I was flattered by the proffer, and told him so, but I was guarded in its acceptance. I wanted him to see more of me, hear more of my methods and to become, as it were, the suppliant.
This condition was soon brought about, and I entered into my new relations with him under the most favorable circumstances.
If I had readily acquiesced he would have assumed the air of favoring me, as it was, the rule was reversed.
He was overwhelmingly nominated and reelected, and for the result he generously gave me full credit.
I was now well within the charmed circle, and within easy reach of my further desire to have no rivals. This came about naturally and without friction.
The interests, of course, were soon groveling at my feet, and, heavy as my demands were, I sometimes wondered like Clive at my own moderation.
The rest of my story is known to you. I had tightened a nearly invisible coil around the people, which held them fast, while the interests despoiled them. We overdid it, and you came with the conscience of the great majority of the American people back of you, and swung the Nation again into the moorings intended by the Fathers of the Republic.
When Selwyn had finished, the fire had burned low, and it was only now and then that his face was lighted by the flickering flames revealing a sadness that few had ever seen there before.
Perhaps he saw in the dying embers something typical of his life as it now was. Perhaps he longed to recall his youth and with it the strength, the nervous force and the tireless thought
Comments (0)