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treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more upon the highway than any of your allies, and are exposed ever to destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the rest and lying between the armies which are contending together.[111] Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a matter of great consequence to you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the offences committed and desires to become a friend."
141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with Alexander;[112] for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination. 142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at all."
Thus spoke the envoys: 143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:-So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves[113] against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend." 144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt;[114] but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in BΕotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta. -----
NOTES TO BOOK VIII
1. See v. 77.
2. i.e. triremes.
3. {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by
conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}
4. Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to
Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207. Others translate, "these Hellenes who
had come /after all/ to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and
delay.
5. {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most
Editors, "smitten by bribes."
6. {dethen}, with ironical sense.
7. {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought
for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and
ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the
proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter defeat.
8. {tou diekploou}.
9. {kata stoma}.
10. {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."
11. {akhari}.
12. {ta Koila tes Euboies}.
13. "having been roughly handled."
14. {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten},
which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals
there."
15. {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.
16. {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is
explained by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various
emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the
reading {apelaseie}, for he says /discessisset/. Stein explains
{paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."
17. Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by
misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems
hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand,
unless at least half were Helots.
18. Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.
19. {neou}.
20. {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.
21. {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note
102.
22. {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the
{promantis}.
23. {neou}.
24. {megarou}.
25. i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this
account.
26. {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."
26a. Or, "Hermione."
27. See i. 56.
28. See ch. 31.
29. {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp.
iii. 94.
30. {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after
Kecrops he could not have the title of king.
31. The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366.
Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans were
guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the
authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans
supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein
suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.
31a. Or, "Thespeia."
32. i.e. "Areopagus."
33. i.e. the North side.
34. {megaron}.
35. {neos}.
36. {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.
37. See vii. 141-143.
38. {autothen ik Salaminos}.
39. {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.
40. {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56. Some Editors,
following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment
expressed."
41. {muriadon}, "ten thousands."
42. Or, "Hermione."
43. {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and
these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos),"
Orneates being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from
the conquered city of Orneai.
44. {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."
45. {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.
46. {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}.
Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not
found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition
the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."
47. {Kronides}.
48. {potnia Nike}.
49. i.e. about rivalry.
50. {ton epibateon}.
51. Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop
after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature
and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."
52. {o daimonioi}, "strange men."
53. See ch. 22.
54. {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most
Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes .
141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined, had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with Alexander;[112] for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see their inclination. 142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian; since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons. Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it; and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded; for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at all."
Thus spoke the envoys: 143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians say thus:-So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth to defend ourselves[113] against him, trusting in the gods and the heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art their public guest and friend." 144. To Alexander they thus made answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the Barbarian was natural no doubt;[114] but it seems to be an unworthy fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth, nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households; and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed: but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in BΕotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went away back to Sparta. -----
NOTES TO BOOK VIII
1. See v. 77.
2. i.e. triremes.
3. {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by
conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}
4. Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to
Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207. Others translate, "these Hellenes who
had come /after all/ to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and
delay.
5. {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most
Editors, "smitten by bribes."
6. {dethen}, with ironical sense.
7. {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought
for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and
ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the
proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter defeat.
8. {tou diekploou}.
9. {kata stoma}.
10. {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."
11. {akhari}.
12. {ta Koila tes Euboies}.
13. "having been roughly handled."
14. {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten},
which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals
there."
15. {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.
16. {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is
explained by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various
emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the
reading {apelaseie}, for he says /discessisset/. Stein explains
{paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."
17. Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by
misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems
hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand,
unless at least half were Helots.
18. Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.
19. {neou}.
20. {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.
21. {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note
102.
22. {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the
{promantis}.
23. {neou}.
24. {megarou}.
25. i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this
account.
26. {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."
26a. Or, "Hermione."
27. See i. 56.
28. See ch. 31.
29. {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp.
iii. 94.
30. {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after
Kecrops he could not have the title of king.
31. The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366.
Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans were
guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the
authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans
supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein
suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.
31a. Or, "Thespeia."
32. i.e. "Areopagus."
33. i.e. the North side.
34. {megaron}.
35. {neos}.
36. {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.
37. See vii. 141-143.
38. {autothen ik Salaminos}.
39. {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.
40. {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56. Some Editors,
following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment
expressed."
41. {muriadon}, "ten thousands."
42. Or, "Hermione."
43. {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and
these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos),"
Orneates being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from
the conquered city of Orneai.
44. {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."
45. {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.
46. {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}.
Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not
found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition
the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."
47. {Kronides}.
48. {potnia Nike}.
49. i.e. about rivalry.
50. {ton epibateon}.
51. Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop
after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature
and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."
52. {o daimonioi}, "strange men."
53. See ch. 22.
54. {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most
Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes .
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