The Historical Nights' Entertainment by Rafael Sabatini (mini ebook reader .TXT) ๐
My narrative in "The Night of Hate" is admittedly a purely theoretical account of the crime. But it is closely based upon all the known facts of incidence and of character; and if there is nothing in the surviving records that will absolutely support it, neither is there anything that can absolutely refute it.
In "The Night of Masquerade" I am guilty of quite arbitrarily discovering a reason to explain the mystery of Baron Bjelke's sudden change from the devoted friend and servant of Gustavus III of Sweden into his most bitter enemy. That speculation is quite indefensible, although affording a possible explanation of that mystery. In the case of "The Night of Kirk o' Field," on the other hand, I do not think any apology is necessary for my reconstruction of the precise manner in which Darnley met his death. The event has long been looked upon as one of the mysteries of history - the mystery lying in the fact that whilst the house at Kirk o' Field was destroyed by an e
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longueurs that are inseparable from the sluggish majesty of the law.
one of these pauses I wrote to Philip, inviting him to desist, and
to grant me the liberty to live out my days in peace with my family
in some remote corner of his kingdom. I warned him that I was not
helpless before his persecution, as he imagined; that whilst I had
made surrender of two chests of papers, I yet retained enough
authentic documents - letters in his own hand - to make my innocence
and his guilt apparent in a startling degree, with very evil
consequences to himself.
His answer was to seize my wife and children and cast them into
prison, and then order the courts of Madrid to pronounce sentence
of death against me for the murder of Escovedo. Such were the sops
with which he sought to quench his vindictive rage.
Thereupon the trial proceeded. I prepared my long memorial of the
affair, supporting it with proofs in the shape of those letters I
had retained. And then at last Philip of Spain took fright. He was
warned by one of his representatives that there was little doubt I
should be acquitted on all counts, and, too late, he sought to save
his face by ordering the cessation of the prosecution he had
instructed.
He stated that since I had chosen a line of defence, to answer
which - as it could be answered - it would be necessary to touch
upon matters of a secrecy that was inviolable, and to introduce
personages whose reputation and honour was of more consequence to
the State than the condemnation of Antonio Perez, he preferred to
renounce the prosecution before the tribunal of Aragon. But he
added a certificate upon his royal word to the effect that my crimes
were greater than had ever been the crimes of any man, and that,
whilst he renounced the prosecution before the courts of Aragon, he
retained the right to demand of me an account of my actions before
any other tribunal at any future time.
My acquittal followed immediately. And immediately again that was
succeeded by fresh charges against me on behalf of the King. First
it was sought to prove that I had procured the death of two of my
servants - a charge which I easily dispersed by proving them to have
died natural deaths. Then it was sought to prosecute me on the
charge of corruption, for which I had once already been prosecuted,
condemned, and punished. Confidently I demanded my release, and
Philip must have ground his teeth in rage to see his prey escaping
him, to see himself the butt of scorn and contempt for the wrongs
that it became clear he had done me.
One weapon remained to him, and a terrible weapon this - the Holy
Office of the Inquisition, a court before which all temporal courts
must bow and quail. He launched its power against me, and behold
me, in the moment when I accounted myself the victor in the unequal
contest, accused of the dread sin of heresy. Words lightly weighed
- uttered by me in prison under stress - had been zealously
gathered up y spies.
On one occasion I had exclaimed: โI think God sleeps where my
affairs are concerned, and I am in danger of losing my faith.โ The
Holy Office held this to be a scandalous proposition, offensive to
pious ears.
Again, when I heard of the arrest of my wife and children I had
cried out in rage: โGod sleeps! God sleeps! There cannot be a God!โ
This they argued at length to be rank heresy, since it is manโs
duty positively to believe, and who does not believe is an infidel.
Yet again it seems I had exclaimed: โShould things so come to pass,
I shall refuse to believe in God!โ This was accounted blasphemous,
scandalous, and not without suspicion of heresy.
Upon these grounds the Supreme Council of the Inquisition at Madrid
drew up its impeachment, and delivered it to the inquisitors of
Aragon at Saragossa. These at once sent their familiars to demand
the surrender of me from the Grand Justiciary, in whose hands I
still remained. The Grand Justiciary incontinently refused to
yield me up.
Thereupon the three Inquisitors drew up a peremptory demand,
addressed to the lieutenants of the Justiciary, summoning them by
virtue of holy obedience, under pain of greater excommunication, of
a fine in the case of each of them of one thousand ducats, and
other penalties to which they might later be condemned, to deliver
me up within three hours to the pursuivants of the Holy Office.
This was the end of the Justiciaryโs resistance. He dared not
refuse a demand so framed, and surrender of me was duly made. But
the news of what was doing had run abroad. I had no lack of
friends, whom I instantly warned of what was afoot, and they had
seen to it that the knowledge spread in an inflammatory manner.
Saragossa began to stir at once. Here was a thinly masked violation
of their ancient privileges. If they suffered this precedent of
circumventing their rights, what was to become of their liberties
in future, who would be secure against an unjust persecution? For
their sympathies were all with me throughout that trial.
I was scarcely in the prison of the Holy Office before the dread
cry of Contrafueros! was ringing through the streets of Saragossa,
summoning the citizens to arm and come forth in defence of their
inviolable rights. They stormed the palace of the Grand Justiciary,
demanded that he should defend the fueros, to whose guardianship he
had been elected. Receiving no satisfaction, they attacked the
palace of the Inquisition, clamouring insistently that I should
immediately be returned to the Justiciaryโs prison, whence I had so
unwarrantably been taken.
The Inquisitors remained firm a while, but the danger was increasing
hourly. In the end they submitted, for the sake of their skins, and
considering, no doubt, a later vengeance for this outrage upon their
holy authority. But it was not done until faggots had been stacked
against the Holy House, and the exasperated mob had threatened to
burn them out of it.
โCastilian hypocrites!โ had been the insurgent roar. โSurrender
your prisoner, or you shall be roasted in the fire in which you roast
so many!โ
Blood was shed in the streets. The Kingโs representative died of
wounds that he received in the affray, whilst the Viceroy himself
was assailed and compelled to intervene and procure my deliverence.
For the moment I was out of danger. But for the moment only. There
was no question now of my enlargement. The Grand Justiciary,
intimidated by what had taken place, by the precise expression of
the Kingโs will, dared not set me at liberty. And then the Holy
Office, under the direction of the King, went to work in that
subterranean way which it has made its own; legal quibbles were
raised to soothe the sensibilities of the Aragonese with respect to
my removal from the Justiciaryโs prison to that of the Holy Office.
Strong forces of troops were brought to Saragossa to overawe the
plebeian insolence, and so, by the following September, all the
preliminaries being concluded, the Inquisition came in force and in
form to take possession of me.
The mob looked on and murmured; but it was intimidated by the show
of ordered force; it had perhaps tired a little of the whole affair,
and did not see that it should shed its blood and lay up trouble
for itself for the sake of one who, after all, was of no account in
the affairs of Aragon. I stood upon the threshold of my ruin. All
my activities were to go unrewarded. Doom awaited me. And then the
unexpected happened. The alguazil of the Holy Office was in the
very act of setting the gyves upon my legs when the first shot was
fired, followed almost at once by a fusillade.
It was Gil de Mesa, faithfullest servant that ever any man possessed.
He had raised an armed band, consisting of some Aragonese gentlemen
and their servants, and with this he fell like a thunderbolt upon
the Castilian men-at-arms and the familiars of the Inquisition. The
alguazil fled, leaving me one leg free, the other burdened by the
gyve, and as he fled so fled all others, being thus taken unawares.
The Inquisitors scuttled to the nearest shelter; the Viceroy threw
himself into his house and barricaded the door. There was no one
to guide, no one to direct. The soldiery in these circumstances,
and accounting themselves overpowered, offered no resistance. They,
too, fled before the fusillade and the hail of shot that descended
on them.
Before I realized what had happened, the iron had been struck from
my leg, I was mounted on a horse, and, with Gil at my side, I was
galloping out of Saragossa by the gate of Santa Engracia, and
breasting the slopes with little cause to fear pursuit just yet,
such was the disorder we had left behind.
And there, very briefly, you have the story of my sufferings and my
escapes. Not entirely to be baulked, numerous arrests were made by
the Inquisitors in Saragossa when order was at last restored. There
followed an auto-da-fe, the most horrible and vindictive of all
those horrors, in which many suffered for having displayed the
weakness of charity towards a persecuted man. And, since my body
was no longer in their clutches, they none the less sentenced me to
death as contumaciously absent, and my effigy was burnt in the holy
fires they lighted, amongst the human candles which they offered up
for the greater honour and glory of a merciful God. Let me say no
more, lest I blaspheme in earnest.
After months of wandering and hiding, Gil and I made our way here
into Navarre, where we remain the guests of Protestant King Henri IV,
who does not love King Philip any better since he has heard my story.
Still King Philipโs vengeance does not sleep. Twice has he sent
after me his assassins - since assassination is the only weapon now
remaining to him. But his poor tools have each time been taken,
exposed to Philipโs greater infamy and shame - and hanged as they
deserve who can so vilely serve so vile a master. It has even been
sought to bribe my faithful Gil de Mesa into turning his hand
against me, and that attempt, too, has been given the fullest
publication. Meanwhile, my death to-day could no longer avail
Philip very much. My memorial is published throughout Europe for
all to read. It has been avidly read until Philip of Spain has
earned the contempt of every upright man. In his own dominions the
voice of execration has been raised against him. One of his own
nobles has contemptuously announced that Spain under Philip has
become unsafe for any gentleman, and that a betrayal of a subject
by his king is without parallel in history.
That is some measure of vengeance. But if I am spared I shall not
leave it there. Henry of Navarre is on the point of turning Catholic
that his interests may be better served. Elizabeth of England
remains. In her dominions, where thrives the righteous hatred of
Philip and all the evil that he stands for, I shall find a welcome
and a channel for the activities that are to show him that Antonio
Perez lives. I have sent him word that when he is weary of the
conflict he can signify his surrender by delivering from their
prison my wife and children, upon whom he seeks still to visit some
of the vengeance I
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