The History of England, from the Accession of James the Second - Volume 1 by Thomas Babington Macaulay (diy ebook reader .txt) π
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give a better issue of it than some expect!" May 10, 1685.
Again he says, "The truth is there were many of the new members
whose elections and returns were universally condemned." May 22.
258 This fact I learned from a newsletter in the library of the
Royal Institution. Van Citters mentions the strength of the Whig
party in Bedfordshire.
259 Bramston's Memoirs.
260 Reflections on a Remonstrance and Protestation of all the
good Protestants of this Kingdom, 1689; Dialogue between Two
Friends, 1689.
261 Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Marquess of Wharton, 1715.
262 See the Guardian, No. 67; an exquisite specimen of Addison's
peculiar manner. It would be difficult to find in the works of
any other writer such an instance of benevolence delicately
flavoured with contempt.
263 The Observator, April 4, 1685.
264 Despatch of the Dutch Ambasadors, April 10-20, 1685.
265 Burnet, i. 626.
266 A faithful account of the Sickness, Death, and Burial of
Captain Bedlow, 1680; Narrative of Lord Chief Justice North.
267 Smith's Intrigues of the Popish Plot, 1685.
268 Burnet, i. 439.
269 See the proceedings in the Collection of State Trials.
270 Evelyn's Diary, May 7, 1685.
271 There remain many pictures of Oates. The most striking
descriptions of his person are in North's Examen, 225, in
Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel, and In a broadside entitled, A
Hue and Cry after T. O.
272 The proceedings will be found at length in the Collection of
State Trials.
273 Gazette de France May 29,/June 9, 1685.
274 Despatch of the Dutch Ambassadors, May 19-29, 1685.
275 Evelyn's Diary, May 22, 1685; Eachard, iii. 741; Burnet, i.
637; Observator, May 27, 1685; Oates's Eikvn, 89; Eikwn
Brotoloigon, 1697; Commons' Journals of May, June, and July,
1689; Tom Brown's advice to Dr. Oates. Some interesting
circumstances are mentioned in a broadside, printed for A.
Brooks, Charing Cross, 1685. I have seen contemporary French and
Italian pamphlets containing the history of the trial and
execution. A print of Titus in the pillory was published at
Milan, with the following curious inscription: "Questo e il
naturale ritratto di Tito Otez, o vero Oatz, Inglese, posto in
berlina, uno de' principali professor della religion protestante,
acerrimo persecutore de' Cattolici, e gran spergiuro." I have
also seen a Dutch engraving of his punishment, with some Latin
verses, of which the following are a specimen:
"At Doctor fictus non fictos pertulit ictus
A tortore datos haud molli in corpore gratos,
Disceret ut vere scelera ob commissa rubere."
The anagram of his name, "Testis Ovat," may be found on many
prints published in different countries.
276 Blackstone's Commentaries, Chapter of Homicide.
277 According to Roger North the judges decided that
Dangerfield, having been previously convicted of perjury, was
incompetent to be a witness of the plot. But this is one among
many instances of Roger's inaccuracy. It appears, from the report
of the trial of Lord Castlemaine in June 1680, that, after much
altercation between counsel, and much consultation among the
judges of the different courts in Westminster Hall, Dangerfield
was sworn and suffered to tell his story; but the jury very
properly gave no credit to his testimony.
278 Dangerfield's trial was not reported; but I have seen a
concise account of it in a contemporary broadside. An abstract of
the evidence against Francis, and his dying speech, will be found
in the Collection of State Trials. See Eachard, iii. 741.
Burnet's narrative contains more mistakes than lines. See also
North's Examen, 256, the sketch of Dangerfield's life in the
Bloody Assizes, the Observator of July 29, 1685, and the poem
entitled "Dangerfield's Ghost to Jeffreys." In the very rare
volume entitled "Succinct Genealogies, by Robert Halstead," Lord
Peterbough says that Dangerfield, with whom he had had some
intercourse, was "a young man who appeared under a decent figure,
a serious behaviour, and with words that did not seem to proceed
from a common understanding."
279 Baxter's preface to Sir Mathew Hale's Judgment of the Nature
of True Religion, 1684.
280 See the Observator of February 28, 1685, the information in
the Collection of State Trials, the account of what passed in
court given by Calamy, Life of Baxter, chap. xiv., and the very
curious extracts from the Baxter MSS. in the Life, by Orme,
published in 1830.
281 Baxter MS. cited by Orme.
282 Act Parl. Car. II. March 29,1661, Jac. VII. April 28, 1685,
and May 13, 1685.
283 Act Parl. Jac. VII. May 8, 1685, Observator, June 20, 1685;
Lestrange evidently wished to see the precedent followed in
England.
284 His own words reported by himself. Life of James the Second,
i. 666. Orig. Mem.
285 Act Parl. Car. II. August 31, 1681.
286 Burnet, i. 583; Wodrow, III. v. 2. Unfortunately the Acta of
the Scottish Privy Council during almost the whole administration
of the Duke of York are wanting. (1848.) This assertion has been
met by a direct contradiction. But the fact is exactly as I have
stated it. There is in he Acta of the Scottish Privy Council a
hiatus extending from August 1678 to August 1682. The Duke of
York began to reside in Scotland in December 1679. He left
Scotland, never to return in May 1682. (1857.)
287 Wodrow, III. ix. 6.
288 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. The editor of the Oxford edition of
Burnet attempts to excuse this act by alleging that Claverhouse
was then employed to intercept all communication between Argyle
and Monmouth, and by supposing that John Brown may have been
detected in conveying intelligence between the rebel camps.
Unfortunately for this hypothesis John Brown was shot on the
first of May, when both Argyle and Monmouth were in Holland, and
when there was no insurrection in any part of our island.
289 Wodrow, III. ix, 6.
290 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. It has been confidently asserted, by
persons who have not taken the trouble to look at the authority
to which I have referred, that I have grossly calumniated these
unfortunate men; that I do not understand the Calvinistic
theology; and that it is impossible that members of the Church of
Scotland can have refused to pray for any man on the ground that
he was not one of the elect.
I can only refer to the narrative which Wodrow has inserted in
his history, and which he justly calls plain and natural. That
narrative is signed by two eyewitnesses, and Wodrow, before he
published it, submitted it to a third eyewitness, who pronounced
it strictly accurate. From that narrative I will extract the only
words which bear on the point in question: "When all the three
were taken, the officers consulted among themselves, and,
withdrawing to the west side of the town, questioned the
prisoners, particularly if they would pray for King James VII.
They answered, they would pray for all within the election of
grace. Balfour said Do you question the King's election? They
answered, sometimes they questioned their own. Upon which he
swore dreadfully, and said they should die presently, because
they would not pray for Christ's vicegerent, and so without one
word more, commanded Thomas Cook to go to his prayers, for he
should die.
In this narrative Wodrow saw nothing improbable; and I shall not
easily be convinced that any writer now living understands the
feelings and opinions of the Covenanters better than Wodrow did.
(1857.)
291 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. Cloud of Witnesses.
292 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. The epitaph of Margaret Wilson, in the
churchyard at Wigton, is printed in the Appendix to the Cloud of
Witnesses;
"Murdered for owning Christ supreme
Head of his church, and no more crime,
But her not owning Prelacy.
And not abjuring Presbytery,
Within the sea, tied to a stake,
She suffered for Christ Jesus' sake."
293 See the letter to King Charles II. prefixed to Barclay's
Apology.
294 Sewel's History of the Quakers, book x.
295 Minutes of Yearly Meetings, 1689, 1690.
296 Clarkson on Quakerism; Peculiar Customs, chapter v.
297 After this passage was written, I found in the British
Museum, a manuscript (Harl. MS. 7506) entitled, "An Account of
the Seizures, Sequestrations, great Spoil and Havock made upon
the Estates of the several Protestant Dissenters called Quakers,
upon Prosecution of old Statutes made against Papist and Popish
Recusants." The manuscript is marked as having belonged to James,
and appears to have been given by his confidential servant,
Colonel Graham, to Lord Oxford. This circumstance appears to me
to confirm the view which I have taken of the King's conduct
towards the Quakers.
298 Penn's visits to Whitehall, and levees at Kensington, are
described with great vivacity, though in very bad Latin, by
Gerard Croese. "Sumebat," he says, "rex sæpe secretum, non
horarium, vero horarum plurium, in quo de variis rebus cum Penno
serio sermonem conferebat, et interim differebat audire
præcipuorum nobilium ordinem, qui hoc interim spatio in
proc¦tone, in proximo, regem conventum præsto erant." Of the
crowd of suitors at Penn's house. Croese says, "Visi quandoquo de
hoc genere hominum non minus bis centum."-Historia Quakeriana,
lib. ii. 1695.
299 "Twenty thousand into my pocket; and a hundred thousand into
my province." Penn's Letter to Popple."
300 These orders, signed by Sunderland, will be found in Sewel's
History. They bear date April 18, 1685. They are written in a
style singularly obscure and intricate: but I think that I have
exhibited the meaning correctly. I have not been able to find any
proof that any person, not a Roman Catholic or a Quaker, regained
his freedom under these orders. See Neal's History of the
Puritans, vol. ii. chap. ii.; Gerard Croese, lib. ii. Croese
estimates the number of Quakers liberated at fourteen hundred and
sixty.
301 Barillon, May 28,/June 7, 1685. Observator, May 27, 1685;
Sir J. Reresby's Memoirs.
302 Lewis wrote to Barillon about this class of Exclusionists as
follows: "L'interet qu'ils auront a effacer cette tache par des
services considerables les portera, aelon toutes les apparences,
a le servir plus utilement que ne pourraient faire ceux qui ont
toujours ete les plus attaches a sa personne." May 15-25,1685.
303 Barillon, May 4-14, 1685; Sir John Reresby's Memoirs.
304 Burnet, i. 626; Evelyn's
Again he says, "The truth is there were many of the new members
whose elections and returns were universally condemned." May 22.
258 This fact I learned from a newsletter in the library of the
Royal Institution. Van Citters mentions the strength of the Whig
party in Bedfordshire.
259 Bramston's Memoirs.
260 Reflections on a Remonstrance and Protestation of all the
good Protestants of this Kingdom, 1689; Dialogue between Two
Friends, 1689.
261 Memoirs of the Life of Thomas Marquess of Wharton, 1715.
262 See the Guardian, No. 67; an exquisite specimen of Addison's
peculiar manner. It would be difficult to find in the works of
any other writer such an instance of benevolence delicately
flavoured with contempt.
263 The Observator, April 4, 1685.
264 Despatch of the Dutch Ambasadors, April 10-20, 1685.
265 Burnet, i. 626.
266 A faithful account of the Sickness, Death, and Burial of
Captain Bedlow, 1680; Narrative of Lord Chief Justice North.
267 Smith's Intrigues of the Popish Plot, 1685.
268 Burnet, i. 439.
269 See the proceedings in the Collection of State Trials.
270 Evelyn's Diary, May 7, 1685.
271 There remain many pictures of Oates. The most striking
descriptions of his person are in North's Examen, 225, in
Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel, and In a broadside entitled, A
Hue and Cry after T. O.
272 The proceedings will be found at length in the Collection of
State Trials.
273 Gazette de France May 29,/June 9, 1685.
274 Despatch of the Dutch Ambassadors, May 19-29, 1685.
275 Evelyn's Diary, May 22, 1685; Eachard, iii. 741; Burnet, i.
637; Observator, May 27, 1685; Oates's Eikvn, 89; Eikwn
Brotoloigon, 1697; Commons' Journals of May, June, and July,
1689; Tom Brown's advice to Dr. Oates. Some interesting
circumstances are mentioned in a broadside, printed for A.
Brooks, Charing Cross, 1685. I have seen contemporary French and
Italian pamphlets containing the history of the trial and
execution. A print of Titus in the pillory was published at
Milan, with the following curious inscription: "Questo e il
naturale ritratto di Tito Otez, o vero Oatz, Inglese, posto in
berlina, uno de' principali professor della religion protestante,
acerrimo persecutore de' Cattolici, e gran spergiuro." I have
also seen a Dutch engraving of his punishment, with some Latin
verses, of which the following are a specimen:
"At Doctor fictus non fictos pertulit ictus
A tortore datos haud molli in corpore gratos,
Disceret ut vere scelera ob commissa rubere."
The anagram of his name, "Testis Ovat," may be found on many
prints published in different countries.
276 Blackstone's Commentaries, Chapter of Homicide.
277 According to Roger North the judges decided that
Dangerfield, having been previously convicted of perjury, was
incompetent to be a witness of the plot. But this is one among
many instances of Roger's inaccuracy. It appears, from the report
of the trial of Lord Castlemaine in June 1680, that, after much
altercation between counsel, and much consultation among the
judges of the different courts in Westminster Hall, Dangerfield
was sworn and suffered to tell his story; but the jury very
properly gave no credit to his testimony.
278 Dangerfield's trial was not reported; but I have seen a
concise account of it in a contemporary broadside. An abstract of
the evidence against Francis, and his dying speech, will be found
in the Collection of State Trials. See Eachard, iii. 741.
Burnet's narrative contains more mistakes than lines. See also
North's Examen, 256, the sketch of Dangerfield's life in the
Bloody Assizes, the Observator of July 29, 1685, and the poem
entitled "Dangerfield's Ghost to Jeffreys." In the very rare
volume entitled "Succinct Genealogies, by Robert Halstead," Lord
Peterbough says that Dangerfield, with whom he had had some
intercourse, was "a young man who appeared under a decent figure,
a serious behaviour, and with words that did not seem to proceed
from a common understanding."
279 Baxter's preface to Sir Mathew Hale's Judgment of the Nature
of True Religion, 1684.
280 See the Observator of February 28, 1685, the information in
the Collection of State Trials, the account of what passed in
court given by Calamy, Life of Baxter, chap. xiv., and the very
curious extracts from the Baxter MSS. in the Life, by Orme,
published in 1830.
281 Baxter MS. cited by Orme.
282 Act Parl. Car. II. March 29,1661, Jac. VII. April 28, 1685,
and May 13, 1685.
283 Act Parl. Jac. VII. May 8, 1685, Observator, June 20, 1685;
Lestrange evidently wished to see the precedent followed in
England.
284 His own words reported by himself. Life of James the Second,
i. 666. Orig. Mem.
285 Act Parl. Car. II. August 31, 1681.
286 Burnet, i. 583; Wodrow, III. v. 2. Unfortunately the Acta of
the Scottish Privy Council during almost the whole administration
of the Duke of York are wanting. (1848.) This assertion has been
met by a direct contradiction. But the fact is exactly as I have
stated it. There is in he Acta of the Scottish Privy Council a
hiatus extending from August 1678 to August 1682. The Duke of
York began to reside in Scotland in December 1679. He left
Scotland, never to return in May 1682. (1857.)
287 Wodrow, III. ix. 6.
288 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. The editor of the Oxford edition of
Burnet attempts to excuse this act by alleging that Claverhouse
was then employed to intercept all communication between Argyle
and Monmouth, and by supposing that John Brown may have been
detected in conveying intelligence between the rebel camps.
Unfortunately for this hypothesis John Brown was shot on the
first of May, when both Argyle and Monmouth were in Holland, and
when there was no insurrection in any part of our island.
289 Wodrow, III. ix, 6.
290 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. It has been confidently asserted, by
persons who have not taken the trouble to look at the authority
to which I have referred, that I have grossly calumniated these
unfortunate men; that I do not understand the Calvinistic
theology; and that it is impossible that members of the Church of
Scotland can have refused to pray for any man on the ground that
he was not one of the elect.
I can only refer to the narrative which Wodrow has inserted in
his history, and which he justly calls plain and natural. That
narrative is signed by two eyewitnesses, and Wodrow, before he
published it, submitted it to a third eyewitness, who pronounced
it strictly accurate. From that narrative I will extract the only
words which bear on the point in question: "When all the three
were taken, the officers consulted among themselves, and,
withdrawing to the west side of the town, questioned the
prisoners, particularly if they would pray for King James VII.
They answered, they would pray for all within the election of
grace. Balfour said Do you question the King's election? They
answered, sometimes they questioned their own. Upon which he
swore dreadfully, and said they should die presently, because
they would not pray for Christ's vicegerent, and so without one
word more, commanded Thomas Cook to go to his prayers, for he
should die.
In this narrative Wodrow saw nothing improbable; and I shall not
easily be convinced that any writer now living understands the
feelings and opinions of the Covenanters better than Wodrow did.
(1857.)
291 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. Cloud of Witnesses.
292 Wodrow, III. ix. 6. The epitaph of Margaret Wilson, in the
churchyard at Wigton, is printed in the Appendix to the Cloud of
Witnesses;
"Murdered for owning Christ supreme
Head of his church, and no more crime,
But her not owning Prelacy.
And not abjuring Presbytery,
Within the sea, tied to a stake,
She suffered for Christ Jesus' sake."
293 See the letter to King Charles II. prefixed to Barclay's
Apology.
294 Sewel's History of the Quakers, book x.
295 Minutes of Yearly Meetings, 1689, 1690.
296 Clarkson on Quakerism; Peculiar Customs, chapter v.
297 After this passage was written, I found in the British
Museum, a manuscript (Harl. MS. 7506) entitled, "An Account of
the Seizures, Sequestrations, great Spoil and Havock made upon
the Estates of the several Protestant Dissenters called Quakers,
upon Prosecution of old Statutes made against Papist and Popish
Recusants." The manuscript is marked as having belonged to James,
and appears to have been given by his confidential servant,
Colonel Graham, to Lord Oxford. This circumstance appears to me
to confirm the view which I have taken of the King's conduct
towards the Quakers.
298 Penn's visits to Whitehall, and levees at Kensington, are
described with great vivacity, though in very bad Latin, by
Gerard Croese. "Sumebat," he says, "rex sæpe secretum, non
horarium, vero horarum plurium, in quo de variis rebus cum Penno
serio sermonem conferebat, et interim differebat audire
præcipuorum nobilium ordinem, qui hoc interim spatio in
proc¦tone, in proximo, regem conventum præsto erant." Of the
crowd of suitors at Penn's house. Croese says, "Visi quandoquo de
hoc genere hominum non minus bis centum."-Historia Quakeriana,
lib. ii. 1695.
299 "Twenty thousand into my pocket; and a hundred thousand into
my province." Penn's Letter to Popple."
300 These orders, signed by Sunderland, will be found in Sewel's
History. They bear date April 18, 1685. They are written in a
style singularly obscure and intricate: but I think that I have
exhibited the meaning correctly. I have not been able to find any
proof that any person, not a Roman Catholic or a Quaker, regained
his freedom under these orders. See Neal's History of the
Puritans, vol. ii. chap. ii.; Gerard Croese, lib. ii. Croese
estimates the number of Quakers liberated at fourteen hundred and
sixty.
301 Barillon, May 28,/June 7, 1685. Observator, May 27, 1685;
Sir J. Reresby's Memoirs.
302 Lewis wrote to Barillon about this class of Exclusionists as
follows: "L'interet qu'ils auront a effacer cette tache par des
services considerables les portera, aelon toutes les apparences,
a le servir plus utilement que ne pourraient faire ceux qui ont
toujours ete les plus attaches a sa personne." May 15-25,1685.
303 Barillon, May 4-14, 1685; Sir John Reresby's Memoirs.
304 Burnet, i. 626; Evelyn's
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