An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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- Author: Adam Smith
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farmer, with an equal quantity of it, to maintain a greater
number of labourers in the same manner, whether liberal,
moderate, or scanty, than other labourers are commonly maintained
in his neighbourhood. But neither the bounty, it is evident, nor
any other human institution, can have any such effect. It is not
the real, but the nominal price of corn, which can in any
considerable degree be affected by the bounty. And though the
tax, which that institution imposes upon the whole body of the
people, may be very burdensome to those who pay it, it is of very
little advantage to those who receive it.
The real effect of the bounty is not so much to raise the real
value of corn, as to degrade the real value of silver ; or to
make an equal quantity of it exchange for a smaller quantity, not
only of corn, but of all other home made commodities; for the
money price of corn regulates that of all other home made
commodities.
It regulates the money price of labour, which must always be such
as to enable the labourer to purchase a quantity of corn
sufficient to maintain him and his family, either in the liberal,
moderate, or scanty manner, in which the advancing, stationary,
or declining, circumstances of the society, oblige his employers
to maintain him.
It regulates the money price of all the other parts of the rude
produce of land, which, in every period of improvement, must bear
a certain proportion to that of corn, though this proportion is
different in different periods. It regulates, for example, the
money price of grass and hay, of butcherβs meat, of horses, and
the maintenance of horses, of land carriage consequently, or of
the greater part of the inland commerce of the country.
By regulating the money price of all the other parts of the rude
produce of land, it regulates that of the materials of almost all
manufactures; by regulating the money price of labour, it
regulates that of manufacturing art and industry ; and by
regulating both, it regulates that of the complete manufacture.
The money price of labour, and of every thing that is the
produce, either of land or labour, must necessarily either rise
or fall in proportion to the money price of corn.
Though in consequence of the bounty, therefore, the farmer should
be enabled to sell his corn for 4s. the bushel, instead of 3s:6d.
and to pay his landlord a money rent proportionable to this rise
in the money price of his produce; yet if, in consequence of this
rise in the price of corn, 4s. will purchase no more home made
goods of any other kind than 3s. 6d. would have done before,
neither the circumstances of the farmer, nor those of the
landlord, will be much mended by this change. The farmer will not
be able to cultivate much better ; the landlord will not be able
to live much better. In the purchase of foreign commodities, this
enhancement in the price of corn may give them some little
advantage. In that of home made commodities, it can give them
none at all. And almost the whole expense of the farmer, and the
far greater part even of that of the landlord, is in home made
commodities.
That degradation in the value of silver, which is the effect of
the fertility of the mines, and which operates equally, or very
nearly equally, through the greater part of the commercial world,
is a matter of very little consequence to any particular country.
The consequent rise of all money prices, though it does not make
those who receive them really richer, does not make them really
poorer. A service of plate becomes really cheaper, and every
thing else remains precisely of the same real value as before.
But that degradation in the value of silver, which, being the
effect either of the peculiar situation or of the political
institutions of a particular country, takes place only in that
country, is a matter of very great consequence, which, far from
tending to make anybody really richer, tends to make every body
really poorer. The rise in the money price of all commodities,
which is in this case peculiar to that country, tends to
discourage more or less every sort of industry which is carried
on within it, and to enable foreign nations, by furnishing almost
all sorts of goods for a smaller quantity of silver than its own
workmen can afford to do, to undersell them, not only in the
foreign, but even in the home market.
It is the peculiar situation of Spain and Portugal, as
proprietors of the mines. to be the distributers of gold and
silver to all the other countries of Europe. Those metals ought
naturally, therefore, to be somewhat cheaper in Spain and
Portugal than in any other part of Europe. The difference, how.
ever, should be no more than the amount of the freight and
insurance ; and, on account of the great value and small bulk of
those metals, their freight is no great matter, and their
insurance is the same as that of any other goods of equal value.
Spain and Portugal, therefore, could suffer very little from
their peculiar situation, if they did not aggravate its
disadvantages by their political institutions.
Spain by taxing, and Portugal by prohibiting, the exportation of
gold and silver, load that exportation with the expense of
smuggling, and raise the value of those metals in other countries
so much more above what it is in their own, by the whole amount
of this expense. When you dam up a stream of water, as soon as
the dam is full, as much water must run over the dam-head as if
there was no dam at all. The prohibition of exportation cannot
detain a greater quantity of gold and silver in Spain and
Portugal, than what they can afford to employ, than what the
annual produce of their land and labour will allow them to
employ, in coin, plate, gilding, and other ornaments of gold and
silver. When they have got this quantity, the dam is full, and
the whole stream which flows in afterwards must run over. The
annual exportation of gold and silver from Spain and Portugal,
accordingly, is, by all accounts, notwithstanding these
restraints, very near equal to the whole annual importation. As
the water, however, must always be deeper behind the dam-head
than before it, so the quantity of gold and silver which these
restraints detain in Spain and Portugal, must, in proportion to
the annual produce of their land and labour, be greater than what
is to be found in other countries. The higher and stronger the
dam-head, the greater must be the difference in the depth of
water behind and before it. The higher the tax, the higher the
penalties with which the prohibition is guarded, the more
vigilant and severe the police which looks after the execution of
the law, the greater must be the difference in the proportion of
gold and silver to the annual produce of the land and labour of
Spain and Portugal, and to that of other countries. It is said,
accordingly, to be very considerable, and that you frequently
find there a profusion of plate in houses, where there is nothing
else which would in other countries be thought suitable or
correspondent to this sort of magnificence. The cheapness of gold
and silver, or, what is the same thing, the dearness of all
commodities, which is the necessary effect of this redundancy of
the precious metals, discourages both the agriculture and
manufactures of Spain and Portugal, and enables foreign nations
to supply them with many sorts of rude, and with almost all sorts
of manufactured produce, for a smaller quantity of gold and
silver than what they themselves can either raise or make them
for at home. The tax and prohibition operate in two different
ways. They not only lower very much the value of the precious
metals in Spain and Portugal, but by detaining there a certain
quantity of those metals which would otherwise flow over other
countries, they keep up their value in those other countries
somewhat above what it otherwise would be, and thereby give those
countries a double advantage in their commerce with Spain and
Portugal. Open the flood-gates, and there will presently be less
water above, and more below the dam-head, and it will soon come
to a level in both places. Remove the tax and the prohibition,
and as the quantity of gold and silver will diminish considerably
in Spain and Portugal, so it will increase somewhat in other
countries ; and the value of those metals, their proportion to
the annual produce of land and labour, will soon come to a level,
or very near to a level, in all. The loss which Spain and
Portugal could sustain by this exportation of their gold and
silver, would be altogether nominal and imaginary. The nominal
value of their goods, and of the annual produce of their land and
labour, would fall, and would be expressed or represented by a
smaller quantity of silver than before; but their real value
would be the same as before, and would be sufficient to maintain,
command, and employ the same quantity of labour. As the nominaly
value of their goods would fall, the real value of what remained
of their gold and silver would rise, and a smaller quantity of
those metals would answer all the same purposes of commerce and
circulation which had employed a greater quantity before. The
gold and silver which would go abroad would not go abroad for
nothing, but would bring back an equal value of goods of some
kind or other. Those goods, too, would not be all matters of mere
luxury and expense, to be consumed by idle people, who produce
nothing in return for their consumption. As the real wealth and
revenue of idle people would not be augmented by this
extraordinary exportation of gold and silver, so neither would
their consumption be much augmented by it. Those goods would
probably, the greater part of them, and certainly some part of
them, consist in materials, tools, and provisions, for the
employment and maintenance of industrious people, who would
reproduce, with a profit, the full value of their consumption.
A part of the dead stock of the society would thus be turned into
active stock, and would put into motion a greater quantity of
industry than had been employed before. The annual produce of
their land and labour would immediately be augmented a little,
and in a few years would probably be augmented a great deal;
their industry being thus relieved from one of the most
oppressive burdens which it at present labours under.
The bounty upon the exportation of corn necessarily operates
exactly in the same way as this absurd policy of Spain and
Portugal. Whatever be the actual state of tillage, it renders our
corn somewhat dearer in the home market than it otherwise would
be in that state, and somewhat cheaper in the foreign; and as the
average money price of corn regulates, more or less, that of all
other commodities, it lowers the value of silver considerably in
the one, and tends to raise it a little in the other. It enables
foreigners, the Dutch in particular, not only to eat our corn
cheaper than they otherwise could do, but sometimes to eat it
cheaper than even our own people can do upon the same occasions;
as we are assured by an excellent authority, that of Sir Matthew
Decker. It hinders our own workmen from furnishing their goods
for so small a quantity of silver as they otherwise might do, and
enables the Dutch to furnish theirs for a smaller. It tends to
render
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