An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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- Author: Adam Smith
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It is abandoned to an inferior set of dealers; and millers,
bakers, meal-men, and meal-factors, together with a number of
wretched hucksters, are almost the only middle people that, in
the home market, come between the grower and the consumer.
The ancient policy of Europe, instead of discountenancing this
popular odium against a trade so beneficial to the public, seems,
on the contrary, to have authorised and encouraged it.
By the 5th and 6th of Edward VI cap. 14, it was enacted, that
whoever should buy any corn or grain, with intent to sell it
again, should be reputed an unlawful engrosser, and should, for
the first fault, suffer two months imprisonment, and forfeit the
value of the corn ; for the second, suffer six months
imprisonment, and forfeit double the value; and, for the third,
be set in the pillory, suffer imprisonment during the kingβs
pleasure, and forfeit all his goods and chattels. The ancient
policy of most other parts of Europe was no better than that of
England.
Our ancestors seem to have imagined, that the people would buy
their corn cheaper of the farmer than of the corn merchant, who,
they were afraid, would require, over and above the price which
he paid to the farmer, an exorbitant profit to himself. They
endeavoured, therefore, to annihilate his trade altogether. They
even endeavoured to hinder, as much as possible, any middle man
of any kind from coming in between the grower and the consumer;
and this was the meaning of the many restraints which they
imposed upon the trade of those whom they called kidders, or
carriers of corn ; a trade which nobody was allowed to exercise
without a licence, ascertaining his qualifications as a man of
probity and fair dealing. The authority of three justices of the
peace was, by the statute of Edward VI. necessary in order to
grant this licence. But even this restraint was afterwards
thought insufficient, and, by a statute of Elizabeth, the
privilege of granting it was confined to the quarter-sessions.
The ancient policy of Europe endeavoured, in this manner, to
regulate agriculture, the great trade of the country, by maxims
quite different from those which it established with regard to
manufactures, the great trade of the towns. By leaving a farmer
no other customers but either the consumers or their immediate
factors, the kidders and carriers of corn, it endeavoured to
force him to exercise the trade, not only of a farmer, but of a
corn merchant, or corn retailer. On the contrary, it, in many
cases, prohibited the manufacturer from exercising the trade of a
shopkeeper, or from selling his own goods by retail. It meant, by
the one law, to promote the general interest of the country, or
to render corn cheap, without, perhaps, its being well understood
how this was to be done. By the other, it meant to promote that
of a particular order of men, the shopkeepers, who would be so
much undersold by the manufacturer, it was supposed, that their
trade would be ruined, if he was allowed to retail at all.
The manufacturer, however, though he had been allowed to keep a
shop, and to sell his own goods by retail, could not have
undersold the common shopkeeper. Whatever part of his capital he
might have placed in his shop, he must have withdrawn it from his
manufacture. In order to carry on his business on a level with
that of other people, as he must have had the profit of a
manufacturer on the one part, so he must have had that of a
shopkeper upon the other. Let us suppose, for example, that in
the particular town where he lived, ten per cent. was the
ordinary profit both of manufacturing and shopkeeping stock ; he
must in this case have charged upon every piece of his own goods,
which he sold in his shop, a profit of twenty per cent. When he
carried them from his workhouse to his shop, he must have valued
them at the price for which he could have sold them to a dealer
or shopkeeper, who would have bought them by wholesale. If he
valued them lower, he lost a part of the profit of his
manufacturing capital. When, again, he sold them from his shop,
unless he got the same price at which a shopkeeper would have
sold them, he lost a part of the profit of his shopkeeping
capital. Though he might appear, therefore, to make a double
profit upon the same piece of goods, yet, as these goods made
successively a part of two distinct capitals, he made but a
single profit upon the whole capital employed about them ; and if
he made less than his profit, he was a loser, and did not employ
his whole capital with the same advantage as the greater part of
his neighbours.
What the manufacturer was prohibited to do, the farmer was in
some measure enjoined to do ; to divide his capital between two
different employments; to keep one part of it in his granaries
and stack-yard, for supplying the occasional demands of the
market, and to employ the other in the cultivation of his land.
But as he could not afford to employ the latter for less than the
ordinary profits of farming stock, so he could as little afford
to employ the former for less than the ordinary profits of
mercantile stock. Whether the stock which really carried on the
business of a corn merchant belonged to the person who was called
a farmer, or to the person who was called a corn merchant, an
equal profit was in both cases requisite, in order to indemnify
its owner for employing it in this manner, in order to put his
business on a level with other trades, and in order to hinder him
from having an interest to change it as soon as possible for some
other. The farmer, therefore, who was thus forced to exercise the
trade of a corn merchant, could not afford to sell his corn
cheaper than any other corn merchant would have been obliged to
do in the case of a free competition.
The dealer who can employ his whole stock in one single branch of
business, has an advantage of the same kind with the workman who
can employ his whole labour in one single operation. As the
latter acquires a dexterity which enables him, with the same two
hands, to perform a much greater quantity of work, so the former
acquires so easy and ready a method of transacting his business,
of buying and disposing of his goods, that with the same capital
he can transact a much greater quantity of business. As the one
can commonly afford his work a good deal cheaper, so the other
can commonly afford his goods somewhat cheaper, than if his stock
and attention were both employed about a greater variety of
objects. The greater part of manufacturers could not afford to
retail their own goods so cheap as a vigilant and active
shopkeeper, whose sole business it was to buy them by wholesale
and to retail them again. The greater part of farmers could still
less afford to retail their own corn, to supply the inhabitants
of a town, at perhaps four or five miles distance from the
greater part of them, so cheap as a vigilant and active corn
merchant, whose sole business it was to purchase corn by
wholesale, to collect it into a great magazine, and to retail it
again.
The law which prohibited the manufacturer from exercising the
trade of a shopkeeper, endeavoured to force this division in the
employment of stock to go on faster than it might otherwise have
done. The law which obliged the farmer to exercise the trade of a
corn merchant, endeavoured to hinder it from going on so fast.
Both laws were evident violations of natural liberty, and
therefore unjust; and they were both, too, as impolitic as they
were unjust. It is the interest of every society, that things of
this kind should never either he forced or obstructed. The man
who employs either his labour or his stock in a greater variety
of ways than his situation renders necessary, can never hurt his
neighbour by underselling him. He may hurt himself, and he
generally does so. Jack-of-all-trades will never be rich, says
the proverb. But the law ought always to trust people with the
care of their own interest, as in their local situations they
must generally he able to judge better of it than the legislature
can do. The law, however, which obliged the farmer to exercise
the trade of a corn merchant was by far the most pernicious of
the two.
It obstructed not only that division in the employment of stock
which is so advantageous to every society, but it obstructed
likewise the improvement and cultivation of the land. By obliging
the farmer to carry on two trades instead of one, it forced him
to divide his capital into two parts, of which one only could be
employed in cultivation. But if he had been at liberty to sell
his whole crop to a corn mercliant as fast as he could thresh it
out, his whole capital might have returned immediately to the
land, and have been employed in buying more cattle, and hiring
more servants, in order to improve and cultivate it better. But
by being obliged to sell his corn by retail, he was obliged to
keep a great part of his capital in his granaries and stack-yard
through the year, and could not therefore cultivate so well as
with the same capital he might otherwise have done. This law,
therefore, necessarily obstructed the improvement of the land,
and, instead of tending to render corn cheaper, must have tended
to render it scarcer, and therefore dearer, than it would
otherwise have been.
After the business of the farmer, that of the corn merchant is in
reality the trade which, if properly protected and encouraged,
would contribute the most to the raising of corn. It would
support the trade of the farmer, in the same manner as the trade
of the wholesale dealer supports that of the manufacturer.
The wholesale dealer, by affording a ready market to the
manufacturer, by taking his goods off his hand as fast as he can
make them, and by sometimes even advancing their price to him
before he has made them, enables him to keep his whole capital,
and sometimes even more than his whole capital, constantly
employed in manufacturing, and consequently to manufacture a much
greater quantity of goods than if he was obliged to dispose of
them himself to the immediate consumers, or even to the
retailers. As the capital of the wholesale merchant, too, is
generally sufficient to replace that of many manufacturers, this
intercourse between him and them interests the owner of a large
capital to support the owners of a great number of small ones,
and to assist them in those losses and misfortunes which might
otherwise prove ruinous to them.
An intercourse of the same kind universally established between
the farmers and the corn merchants, would be attended with
effects equally beneficial to the farmers. They would be enabled
to keep their whole capitals, and even more than their whole
capitals constantly employed in cultivation. In case of any of
those accidents to which no trade is more liable than theirs,
they would find in their ordinary customer, the wealthy corn
merchant, a person who had both an interest to support them, and
the ability to do it ; and they would not, as at present, be
entirely dependent upon the forbearance of their landlord, or the
mercy of his steward. Were it possible, as perhaps it is not, to
establish this intercourse universally,
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