An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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forcibly, in reducing the value of those metals there, than the
corn laws can do in Great Britain. And, secondly, this bad policy
is not in those countries counterbalanced by the general liberty
and security of the people. Industry is there neither free nor
secure; and the civil and ecclesiastical governments of both
Spain and Portugal are such as would alone be sufficient to
perpetuate their present state of poverty, even though their
regulations of commerce were as wise as the greatest part of them
are absurd and foolish.
The 13th of the present king, c. 43, seems to have established a
new system with regard to the corn laws, in many respects better
than the ancient one, but in one or two respects perhaps not
quite so good.
By this statute, the high duties upon importation for home
consumption are taken off, so soon as the price of middling wheat
rises to 48s. the quarter; that of middling rye, pease, or beans,
to 32s.; that of barley to 24s. ; and that of oats to 16s. ; and
instead of them, a small duty is imposed of only 6d upon the
quarter of wheat, and upon that or other grain in proportion.
With regard to all those different sorts of grain, but
particularly with regard to wheat, the home market is thus opened
to foreign supplies, at prices considerably lower than before.
By the same statute, the old bounty of 5s. upon the exportation
of wheat, ceases so soon as the price rises to 44s. the quarter,
instead of 48s. the price at which it ceased before; that of
2s:6d. upon the exportation of barley, ceases so soon as the
price rises to 22s. instead of 24s. the price at which it ceased
before ; that of 2s:6d. upon the exportation of oatmeal, ceases
so soon as the price rises to 14s. instead of 15s. the price at
which it ceased before. The bounty upon rye is reduced from
3s:6d. to 3s. and it ceases so soon as the price rises to 28s.
instead of 32s. the price at which it ceased before. If bounties
are as improper as I have endeavoured to prove them to be, the
sooner they cease, and the lower they are, so much the better.
The same statute permits, at the lowest prices, the importation
of corn in order to be exported again, duty free, provided it is
in the mean time lodged in a warehouse under the joint locks of
the king and the importer. This liberty, indeed, extends to no
more than twentyfive of the different ports of Great Britain.
They are, however, the principal ones; and there may not,
perhaps, be warehouses proper for this purpose in the greater
part of the others.
So far this law seems evidently an improvement upon the ancient
system.
But by the same law, a bounty of 2s. the quarter is given for the
exportation of oats, whenever the price does not exceed fourteen
shillings. No bounty had ever been given before for the
exportation of this grain, no more than for that of pease or
beans.
By the same law, too, the exportation of wheat is prohibited so
soon as the price rises to fortyfour shillings the quarter; that
of rye so soon as it rises to twenty-eight shillings; that of
barley so soon as it rises to twenty-two shillings ; and that of
oats so soon as they rise to fourteen shillings. Those several
prices seem all of them a good deal too low; and there seems to
be an impropriety, besides, in prohibiting exportation altogether
at those precise prices at which that bounty, which was given in
order to force it, is withdrawn. The bounty ought certainly
either to have been withdrawn at a much lower price, or
exportation ought to have been allowed at a much higher.
So far, therefore, this law seems to be inferior to the ancient
system. With all its imperfections, however, we may perhaps say
of it what was said of the laws of Solon, that though not the
best in itself, it is the best which the interest, prejudices,
and temper of the times, would admit of. It may perhaps in due
time prepare the way for a better.
CHAPTER VI.
OF TREATIES OF COMMERCE.
When a nation binds itself by treaty, either to permit the entry
of certain goods from one foreign country which it prohibits from
all others, or to exempt the goods of one country from duties to
which it subjects those of all others, the country, or at least
the merchants and manufacturers of the country, whose commerce is
so favoured, must necessarily derive great advantage from the
treaty. Those merchants and manufacturers enjoy a sort of
monopoly in the country which is so indulgent to them. That
country becomes a market, both more extensive and more
advantageous for their goods: more extensive, because the goods
of other nations being either excluded or subjected to heavier
duties, it takes off a greater quantity of theirs; more
advantageous, because the merchants of the favoured country,
enjoying a sort of monopoly there, will often sell their goods
for a better price than if exposed to the free competition of all
other nations.
Such treaties, however, though they may be advantageous to the
merchants and manufacturers of the favoured, are necessarily
disadvantageous to those of the favouring country. A monopoly is
thus granted against them to a foreign nation; and they must
frequently buy the foreign goods they have occasion for, dearer
than if the free competition of other nations was admitted. That
part of its own produce with which such a nation purchases
foreign goods, must consequently be sold cheaper; because, when
two things are exchanged for one another, the cheapness of the
one is a necessary consequence, or rather is the same thing, with
the dearness of the other. The exchangeable value of its annual
produce, therefore. is likely to be diminished by every such
treaty. This diminution, however, can scarce amount to any
positive loss, but only to a lessening of the gain which it might
otherwise make. Though it sells its goods cheaper than it
otherwise might do, it will not probably sell them for less than
they cost; nor, as in the case of bounties, for a price which
will not replace the capital employed in bringing them to market,
together with the ordinary profits of stock. The trade could not
go on long if it did. Even the favouring country, therefore, may
still gain by the trade, though less than if there was a free
competition.
Some treaties of commerce, however, have been supposed
advantageous, upon principles very different from these; and a
commercial country has sometimes granted a monopoly of this kind,
against itself, to certain goods of a foreign nation, because it
expected, that in the whole commerce between them, it would
annually sell more than it would buy, and that a balance in gold
and silver would be annually returned to it. It is upon this
principle that the treaty of commerce between England and
Portugal, concluded in 1703 by Mr Methuen, has been so much
commended. The following is a literal translation of that treaty,
which consists of three articles only.
ART. I.
His sacred royal majesty of Portugal promises, both in his own
name and that of his successors, to admit for ever hereafter,
into Portugal, the woollen cloths, and the rest of the woollen
manufactures of the British, as was accustomed, till they were
prohibited by the law ; nevertheless upon this condition :
ART. II.
That is to say, that her sacred royal majesty of Great Britain
shall, in her own name, and that of her successors, be obliged,
for ever hereafter, to admit the wines of the growth of Portugal
into Britain; so that at no time, whether there shall be peace or
war between the kingdoms of Britain and France, any thing more
shall be demanded for these wines by the name of custom or duty,
or by whatsoever other title, directly or indirectly, whether
they shall be imported into Great Britain in pipes or hogsheads,
or other casks, than what shall be demanded for the like quantity
or measure of French wine, deducting or abating a third part of
the custom or duty. But if, at any time, this deduction or
abatement of customs, which is to be made as aforesaid, shall in
any manner be attempted and prejudiced, it shall be just and
lawful for his sacred royal majesty of Portugal, again to
prohibit the woollen cloths, and the rest of the British woollen
manufactures.
ART. III.
The most excellent lords the plenipotentiaries promise and take
upon themselves, that their above named masters shall ratify this
treaty; and within the space of two months the ratification shall
be exchanged.
By this treaty, the crown of Portugal becomes bound to admit the
English woollens upon the same footing as before the prohibition;
that is, not to raise the duties which had been paid before that
time. But it does not become bound to admit them upon any better
terms than those of any other nation, of France or Holland, for
example. The crown of Great Britain, on the contrary, becomes
bound to admit the wines of Portugal, upon paying only two-thirds
of the duty which is paid for those of France, the wines most
likely to come into competition with them. So far this treaty,
therefore, is evidently advantageous to Portugal, and
disadvantageous to Great Britain.
It has been celebrated, however, as a masterpiece of the
commercial policy of England. Portugal receives annually from the
Brazils a greater quantity of gold than can be employed in its
domestic commerce, whether in the shape of coin or of plate. The
surplus is too valuable to be allowed to lie idle and locked up
in coffers; and as it can find no advantageous market at home, it
must, notwithstanding; any prohibition, be sent abroad, and
exchanged for something for which there is a more advantageous
market at home. A large share of it comes annually to England, in
return either for English goods, or for those of other European
nations that receive their returns through England. Mr Barretti
was informed, that the weekly packet-boat from Lisbon brings, one
week with another, more than οΏ½50,000 in gold to England. The sum
had probably been exaggerated. It would amount to more than
οΏ½2,600,000 a. year, which is more than the Brazils are supposed
to afford.
Our merchants were, some years ago, out of humour with the crown
of Portugal. Some privileges which had been granted them, not by
treaty, but by the free grace of that crown, at the solicitation,
indeed, it is probable, and in return for much greater favours,
defence and protection from the crown of Great Britain, had been
either infringed or revoked. The people, therefore, usually most
interested in celebrating the Portugal trade, were then rather
disposed to represent it as less advantageous than it had
commonly been imagined. The far greater part, almost the whole,
they pretended, of this annual importation of gold, was not on
account of Great Britain, but of other European nations; the
fruits and wines of Portugal annually imported into Great Britain
nearly compensating the value of the British goods sent thither.
Let us suppose, however, that the whole was on account of Great
Britain, and that it amounted to a still greater sum than Mr
Barretti seems to imagine ; this trade would not, upon that
account, be more advantageous than any other, in which, for the
same value sent out, we received an equal value of consumable
goods in return.
It is but a very small part of
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