An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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supposed, is employed as an annual addition, either to the plate
or to the coin of the kingdom. The rest must all be sent abroad,
and exchanged for consumable goods of some kind or other. But if
those consumable goods were purchased directly with the produce
of English industry, it would be more for the advantage of
England, than first to purchase with that produce the gold of
Portugal, and afterwards to purchase with that gold those
consumable goods. A direct foreign trade of consumption is always
more advantageous than a round-about one; and to bring the same
value of foreign goods to the home market requires a much smaller
capital in the one way than in the ether. If a smaller share of
its industry, therefore, had been enmloyed in producing goods fit
for the Portugal market, and a greater in producing those lit for
the other markets, where those consumable goods for which there
is a demand in Great Britain are to be had, it would have been
more for the advantage of England. To procure both the gold which
it wants for its own use, and the consumable goods, would, in
this way, employ a much smaller capital than at present. There
would be a spare capital, therefore, to be employed for other
purposes, in exciting an additional quantity of industry, and in
raising a greater annual produce.
Though Britain were entirely excluded from the Portugal trade, it
could find very little difficulty in procuring all the annual
supplies of gold which it wants, either for the purposes of
plate, or of coin, or of foreign trade. Gold, like every other
commodity, is always somewhere or another to be got for its value
by those who have that value to give for it. The annual surplus
of gold in Portugal, besides, would still be sent abroad, and
though not carried away by Great Britain, would be carried away
by some other nation, which would be glad to sell it again for
its price, in the same manner as Great Britain does at present.
In buying gold of Portugal, indeed, we buy it at the first hand ;
whereas, in buying it of any other nation, except Spain, we
should buy it at the second, and might pay somewhat dearer. This
difference, however, would surely be too insignificant to deserve
the public attention.
Almost all our gold, it is said, comes from Portugal. With other
nations, the balance of trade is either against as, or not much
in our favour. But we should remember, that the more gold we
import from one country, the less we must necessarily import from
all others. The effectual demand for gold, like that for every
other commodity, is in every country limited to a certain
quantity. If nine-tenths of this quantity are imported from one
country, there remains a tenth only to be imported from all
others. The more gold, besides, that is annually imported from
some particular countries, over and above what is requisite for
plate and for coin, the more must necessarily be exported to some
others: and the more that most insignificant object of modern
policy, the balance of trade, appears to be in our favour with
some particular countries, the more it must necessarily appear to
be against us with many others.
It was upon this silly notion, however, that England could not
subsist without the Portugal trade, that, towards the end of the
late war, France and Spain, without pretending either offence or
provocation, required the king of Portugal to exclude all British
ships from his ports, and, for the security of this exclusion, to
receive into them French or Spanish garrisons. Had the king of
Portugal submitted to those ignominious terms which his
brother-in-law the king of Spain proposed to him, Britain would
have been freed from a much greater inconveniency than the loss
of the Portugal trade, the burden of supporting a very weak ally,
so unprovided of every thing for his own defence, that the whole
power of England, had it been directed to that single purpose,
could scarce, perhaps, have defended him for another campaign.
The loss of the Portugal trade would, no doubt, have occasioned a
considerable embarrassment to the merchants at that time engaged
in it, who might not, perhaps, have found out, for a year or two,
any other equally advantageous method of employing their
capitals; and in this would probably have consisted all the
inconveniency which England could have suffered from this notable
piece of commercial policy.
The great annual importation of gold and silver is neither for
the purpose of plate nor of coin, but of foreign trade. A
round-about foreign trade of consumption can be carried on more
advantageously by means of these metals than of almost any other
goods. As they are the universal instruments of commerce, they
are more readily received in return for all commodities than any
other goods ; and, on account of their small bulk and great
value, it costs less to transport them backward and forward from
one place to another than almost any other sort of merchandize,
and they lose less of their value by being so transported. Of all
the commodities, therefore, which are bought in one foreign
country, for no other purpose but to be sold or exchanged again
for some other goods in another, there are none so convenient as
gold and silver. In facilitating all the different round-about
foreign trades of consumption which are carried on in Great
Britain, consists the principal advantage of the Portugal trade;
and though it is not a capital advantage, it is, no doubt, a
considerable one.
That any annual addition which, it can reasonably be supposed, is
made either to the plate or to the coin of the kingdom, could
require but a very small annual importation of gold and silver,
seems evident enough; and though we had no direct trade with
Portugal, this small quantity could always, somewhere or another,
be very easily got.
Though the goldsmiths trade be very considerable in Great
Britain, the far greater part of the new plate which they
annually sell, is made from other old plate melted down ; so that
the addition annually made to the whole plate of the kingdom
cannot be very great, and could require but a very small annual
importation.
It is the same case with the coin. Nobody imagines, I beileve,
that even the greater part of the annual coinage, amounting, for
ten years together, before the late reformation of the gold coin,
to upwards of οΏ½800,000 a-year in gold, was an annual addition to
the money before current in the kingdom. In a country where the
expense of the coinage is defrayed by the government, the value
of the coin, even when it contains its full standard weight of
gold and silver, can never be much greater than that of an equal
quantity of those metals uncoined, because it requires only the
trouble of going to the mint, and the delay, perhaps, of a few
weeks, to procure for any quantity of uncoined gold and silver an
equal quantity of those metals in coin; but in every country the
greater part of the current coin is almost always more or less
worn, or otherwise degenerated from its standard. In Great
Britain it was, before the late reformation, a good deal so, the
gold being more than two per cent., and the silver more than
eight per cent. below its standard weight. But if fortyfour
guineas and a-half, containing their full standard weight, a
pound weight of gold, could purchase very little more than a
pound weight of uncoined gold; fortyfour guineas and a-half,
wanting a part of their weight, could not purchase a pound
weight, and something was to be added, in order to make up the
deficiency. The current price of gold bullion at market,
therefore, instead of being the same with the mint price, or
οΏ½46:14:6, was then about οΏ½47:14s., and sometimes about οΏ½48. When
the greater part of the coin, however, was in this degenerate
condition, forty four guineas and a-half, fresh from the mint,
would purchase no more goods in the market than any other
ordinary guineas; because, when they came into the coffers of the
merchant, being confounded with other money, they could not
afterwards be distinguished without more trouble than the
difference was worth. Like other guineas, they were worth no more
than οΏ½46:14:6. If thrown into the melting pot, however, they
produced, without any sensible loss, a pound weight of standard
gold, which could be sold at any time for between οΏ½47:14s. and
οΏ½48, either in gold or silver, as fit for all the purposes of
coin as that which had been melted down. There was an evident
profit, therefore, in melting down new-coined money; and it was
done so instantaneously, that no precaution of government could
prevent it. The operations of the mint were, upon this account,
somewhat like the web of Penelope; the work that was done in the
day was undone in the night. The mint was employed, not so much
in making daily additions to the coin, as in replacing the very
best part of it, which was daily melted down.
Were the private people who carry their gold and silver to the
mint to pay themselves for the coinage, it would add to the value
of those metals, in the same manner as the fashion does to that
of plate. Coined gold and silver would be more valuable than
uncoined. The seignorage, if it was not exorbitant, would add to
the bullion the whole value of the duty; because, the government
having everywhere the exclusive privilege of coining, no coin can
come to market cheaper than they think proper to afford it. If
the duty was exorbitant, indeed, that is, if it was very much
above the real value of the labour and expense requisite for
coinage, false coiners, both at home and abroad, might be
encouraged, by the great difference between the value of bullion
and that of coin, to pour in so great a quantity of counterfeit
money as might reduce the value of the government money. In
France, however, though the seignorage is eight per cent., no
sensible inconveniency of this kind is found to arise from it.
The dangers to which a false coiner is everywhere exposed, if he
lives in the country of which he counterfeits the coin, and to
which his agents or correspondents are exposed, if he lives in a
foreign country, are by far too great to be incurred for the sake
of a profit of six or seven per cent.
The seignorage in France raises the value of the coin higher than
in proportion to the quantity of pure gold which it contains.
Thus, by the edict of January 1726, the mint price of fine gold
of twentyfour carats was fixed at seven hundred and forty livres
nine sous and one denier one-eleventh the mark of eight Paris
ounces. {See Dictionnaire des Monnoies, tom. ii. article
Seigneurage, p. 439, par 81. Abbot de Bazinghen,
Conseiller-Commissaire en la Cour des Monnoies οΏ½ Paris.} The gold
coin of France, making an allowance for the remedy of the mint,
contains twenty-one carats and three-fourths of fine gold, and
two carats one-fourth of alloy. The mark of standard gold,
therefore, is worth no more than about six hundred and
seventy-one livres ten deniers. But in France this mark of
standard gold is coined into thirty louis dβors of twentyfour
livres each, or into seven hundred and twenty livres. The coin.
age, therefore, increases the value of a mark of standard gold
bullion, by the difference between six hundred and seventy-one
livres ten deniers and seven hundred and twenty livres, or by
fortyeight livres nineteen sous and two deniers.
A seignorage will, in many
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