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The Republicans had lost nine seats in the House and two in the Senate, but they still were in control of both chambers of Congress, and they gave more leadership positions to ideologues rather than to moderates or pragmatists. The new Chairman of the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, Rep. Dan Burton from Indiana, was the Hill’s leading conspiracy theorist. He had achieved minor celebrity for firing a .38-caliber pistol at a watermelon in his back yard as part of a bizarre attempt to prove that Vince Foster was murdered.
Several key Republicans, including Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, had already vowed that it was their “responsibility” to continue investigating the Clinton Administration.
But the Whitewater inquiry seemed to be losing momentum. Senator D’Amato had suspended his hearings in June. Despite prolonged questioning, Kenneth Starr had failed to wrest any damning tidbit from Webb Hubbell, who was serving eighteen months in federal prison for defrauding his clients and partners.
As Bill’s second inauguration approached, there were a number of changes in the cabinet and the White House staff. Leon Panetta, Bill’s Chief of Staff, decided to return to private life in California. Erskine Bowles, a North Carolina businessman and trusted friend who was then serving as Leon’s deputy, would be taking his place. Erskine’s wife, Crandall, a savvy and successful businesswoman, had been in my class at Wellesley.
Harold Ickes, our longtime friend who started out with Bill in 1991 and did a superb job of organizing New York in the 1992 campaign, returned to his law firm and consulting business. Evelyn Lieberman took over as head of Voice of America. George Stephanopoulos left to teach and write his memoirs.
I lost my Chief of Staff too. Maggie wanted her life back. She had never intended to stay for more than one term, and I understood her decision. Maggie and her husband, Bill Barrett, were moving to Paris. I was so happy for her: Maggie had weathered the worst of abuses from the revolving investigations. Of course, she wasn’t the only person who got sucked into the whirlwind, but I saw her every day and knew what a toll the last years had extracted.
Melanne Verveer became my new Chief of Staff. She had been by my side on nearly every overseas trip and was a galvanizing force behind the international movement we were championing to train and equip women for leadership positions. Great company, Melanne has an impressive command of legislative issues as well as many friendships in Congress.
Several cabinet positions had opened up after the election, including Secretary of State. Ever since Warren Christopher announced his impending retirement in early November, Washington had been consumed with the guessing game of who would replace him. There was a list of hopefuls, each with his own constituency.
I hoped Bill would consider appointing Madeleine Albright as the first woman Secretary of State. I thought she’d done a superb job at the United Nations, and I was impressed by her diplomatic skills, grasp of world affairs and personal courage. I also admired her fluency in French, Russian, Czech and Polish, not to mention English―four more languages than I spoke. She had advocated early U.S. military engagement in the Balkans, and in many ways, her life story was reflective of Europe and America’s journey over the last half century. Madeleine identified in a visceral way with people’s yearnings for freedom from oppression and desire for democracy.
Some in the Washington foreign policy establishment were pushing their own choices and the whispering campaign against Madeleine began immediately: She was too forward leaning, too aggressive, not ready, the leaders of certain countries wouldn’t deal with a woman. Then an item appeared in The Washington Post in November 1996, claiming that the White House considered her only a “second tier” candidate. Likely planted by one of her opponents to sabotage her candidacy, the tactic backfired, drawing more attention to Madeleine’s qualifications. Now her candidacy had to be taken seriously.
I never spoke about her candidacy with Madeleine, and even my closest staff didn’t know that I was encouraging Bill to include her in his deliberations. Other than my husband, the only person with whom I discussed the appointment was Pamela Harriman, then Ambassador to France. Several days after The Washington Post piece ran, Pamela came to visit me at the White House. Despite four years in Paris as U.S. Ambassador, she was still in the thick of Washington society and gossip, and she was buzzing with curiosity about Madeleine Albright.
“I’ve been talking to everyone,” she said in that wonderful smoky British accent.
“You know, some people actually think Madeleine might be named Secretary of State.”
“Really?”
“Yes, what do you think?” she said.
“Well, I wouldn’t be surprised if it happened.”
“You wouldn’t?”
“No, I think she’s done an excellent job, and I happen to think that all things being equal, it would be nice to have a woman in the position.”
“Well, well, I don’t know. I’m not sure. There are some other very qualified people who also want it,” Pamela cautioned.
“I know there are, but I wouldn’t bet against Madeleine if I were you.”
I knew my opinion was one among many Bill solicited. When he made a decision, it was his alone. So I listened as he mulled, and occasionally I’d interject a comment or a question. When Bill asked me about Madeleine, I told him there was nobody who had been more supportive of his policies and was as articulate and persuasive on the issues. I also added that her appointment would make many girls and women proud. I still wasn’t certain whom Bill would pick until he finally called Madeleine on December 5, 1996, and asked her to be his Secretary of State. I was delighted. After the announcement, Pamela Harriman sent me a note that said: “I’ll never bet against you or Madeleine.”
Madeleine became the first woman in history to hold
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