The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought by Alexander F. Chamberlain (book recommendations based on other books .txt) 📕

and the intimate sympathy between them even while the latter is yet unborn. Of the Indians of British Guiana, Mr. im Thurn says, they believe that if the father should eat the flesh of the capybara, the child would have large protruding teeth like that animal, while if he should eat that of the labba, the child’s skin would be spotted. “Apparently there is also some idea that for the father to eat strong food, to wash, to smoke, to handle weapons, would have the same result as if the newborn baby ate such food, washed, smoked, or played with edged tools.” The connection between the father and the child, the author thinks, is thought by these Indians to be much closer than that existing between the mother and her offspring (477. 218). Much has been written about, and many explanations suggested for, this ancient and widespread custom. The investigations of recent travellers seem to have cast some light upon this difficult problem in ethnology.

Dr. Karl von den Steinen (536. 331-337) tells us that the native tribes of Central Brazil not only believe that the child is “the son of the father,” but that it is the father. To quote his own significant words: “The father is the patient in so far as he feels himself one with the newborn child. It is not very difficult to see how he arrives at this conclusion. Of the human egg-cell and the Graafian follicle the aborigine is not likely to know anything, nor can he know that the mother lodges the thing corresponding to the eggs of birds. For him the man is the bearer of the eggs, which, to speak plainly and clearly, lays in the mother, and which she hatches during the period of pregnancy. In the linguistic material at hand we see how this very natural attempt to explain generation finds expression in the words for ‘father’, ‘testicle,’ and ‘egg.’ In Guarani tub means ‘father, spawn, eggs,’ tupia ‘eggs,’ and even tup-i, the name of the people (the -i is diminutive) really signifies ‘little father,’ or ‘eggs,’ or ‘children,’ as you please; the ‘father’ is ‘egg,’ and the ‘child’ is ‘the little father.’ Even the language declares that the ‘child’ is nothing else than the ‘father.’ Among the Tupi the father was also accustomed to take a new name after the birth of each new son; to explain this, it is in no way necessary to assume that the ‘soul’ of the father proceeds each time into the son. In Karaïbi we find exactly the same idea; imu is ‘egg,’ or ‘testicles,’ or ‘child.’”

Among other cognate tribes we find the same thoughts:—

In the Ipurucoto language imu signifies “egg.”

In the Bakaïrí language imu signifies “testicles.”

In the Tamanako language imu signifies “father.”

In the Makusi language imu signifies “semen.”

In several dialects imu-ru signifies “child.”

Dr. von den Steinen further observes: “Among the Bakaïrí ‘child’ and ‘small’ are both iméri, ‘the child of the chief,’ píma iméri; we can translate as we please, either ‘the child of the chief,’ or ‘the little chief,’ and in the case of the latter form, which we can use more in jest of the son, we are not aware that to the Indian the child is really nothing more than the little chief, the miniature of the big one. Strange and hardly intelligible to us is this idea when it is a girl that is in question. For the girl, too, is ‘the little father,’ and not ‘the little mother‘; it is only the father who has made her. In Bakaïrí there are no special words for ‘son’ and ‘daughter,’ but a sex-suffix is added to the word for child when a distinction is necessary; píma iméri may signify either the son or the daughter of the chief. The only daughter of the chief is the inheritrix of possession and rank, both of which pass over with her own possession to the husband.” The whole question of the “Couvade” and like practices finds its solution in these words of the author: “The behaviour of the mother, according as she is regarded as more or less suffering, may differ much with the various tribes, while the conduct of the father is practically the same with all She goes about her business, if she feels strong enough, suckles her child, etc. Between the father and the child there is no mysterious correlation; the child is a multiplication of him; the father is duplicated, and in order that no harm may come to the helpless, irrational creature, a miniature of himself, he must demean himself as a child” (536. 338).

The close relationship between father and child appears also in folk-medicine, where children (or often adults) are preserved from, or cured of, certain ailments and diseases by the application of blood drawn from the father.

In Bavaria a popular remedy against cramps consisted in “the father pricking himself in the finger and giving the child in its mouth three drops of blood out of the wound,” and at Rackow, in Neu Stettin, to cure epilepsy in little children, “the father gives the child three drops of blood out of the first joint of his ring-finger” (361. 19). In Annam, when a physician cures a small-pox patient, it is thought that the pocks pass over to his children, and among the Dieyerie of South Australia, when a child has met with an accident, “all the relatives are beaten with sticks or boomerangs on the head till the blood flows over their faces. This is believed to lessen the pain of the child” (397. 60, 205).

Among some savage and uncivilized peoples, the father is associated closely with the child from the earliest days of its existence. With the Mincopies of the Andaman Islands, it is the father who, “from the day of its birth onwards presses the skull and body of the child to give them the proper form,” and among the Macusi Indians of Guiana, the father “in early youth, pierces the ear-lobe, the lower lip, and the septum of the nose,” while with the Pampas Indians of the Argentine, in the third year of the child’s life, the child’s ears are pierced by the father in the following fashion: “A horse has its feet tied together, is thrown to the ground, and held fast. The child is then brought out and placed on the horse, while the father bores its ears with a needle” (326.1.296,301).

With some primitive peoples the father evinces great affection for his child. Concerning the natives of Australia whom he visited, Lumholtz observes: “The father may also be good to the child, and he frequently carries it, takes it in his lap, pats it, searches its hair, plays with it, and makes little boomerangs which he teaches it to throw. He, however, prefers boys to girls, and does not pay much attention to the latter” (495.193). Speaking of another region of the world where infanticide prevailed,—the Solomon Islands,—Mr. Guppy cites not a few instances of parental regard and affection. On one occasion “the chief’s son, a little shapeless mass of flesh, a few months old, was handed about from man to man with as much care as if he had been composed of something brittle.” Of chief Gorai and his wife, whose child was blind, the author says: “I was much struck with the tenderness displayed in the manner of both the parents towards their little son, who, seated in his mother’s lap, placed his hand in that of his father, when he was directed to raise his eyes towards the light for my inspection” (466.

47).

 

Of the Patwin Indians of California, who are said to rank among the lowest of the race, Mr. Powers tells us: “Parents are very easygoing with their children, and never systematically punish them, though they sometimes strike them in momentary anger. On the Sacramento they teach them how to swim when a few weeks old by holding them on their hands in the water. I have seen a father coddle and teeter his baby in an attack of crossness for an hour with the greatest patience, then carry him down to the river, laughing good-naturedly, gently dip the little brown smooth-skinned nugget in the waves clear under, and then lay him on the moist, warm sand. The treatment was no less effectual than harmless, for it stopped the perverse, persistent squalling at once” (519. 222). Such demonstrations of tenderness have been supposed to be rare among the Indians, but the same authority says again: “Many is the Indian I have seen tending the baby with far more patience and good-nature than a civilized father would display” (519. 23). Concerning the Eskimo, Eeclus observes: “All over Esquimaux Land fathers and mothers vie with one another in spoiling their offspring, never strike, and rarely rebuke them” (523. 37).

Among the Indians of British Guiana, according to Mr. im Thurn, both mother and father are “very affectionate towards the young child.” The mother “almost always, even when working, carries it against her hip, slung in a small hammock from her neck or shoulder,” while the father, “when he returns from hunting, brings it strange seeds to play with, and makes it necklaces and other ornaments.” The young children themselves “seem fully to reciprocate the affection of their parents; but as they grow older, the affection on both sides seems to cool, though, in reality, it perhaps only becomes less demonstrative” (477. 219).

Everywhere we find evidence of parental affection and love for children, shining sometimes from the depths of savagery and filling with sunshine at least a few hours of days that seem so sombre and full of gloom when viewed afar off.

Mr. Scudder has treated at considerable length the subject of “Childhood in Literature and Art” (350), dealing with it as found in Greek, Roman, Hebrew, Early Christian, English, French, German, American, literature, in mediæval art, and in Hans Christian Andersen’s fairy tales. Of Greek the author observes: “There is scarcely a child’s voice to be heard in the whole range of Greek poetic art. The conception is universally of the child, not as acting, far less as speaking, but as a passive member of the social order. It is not its individual so much as its related life which is contemplated.” The silent presence of children in the rôles of the Greek drama is very impressive (350. 21). At Rome, though childhood is more of a “vital force” than in Greece, yet “it is not contemplated as a fine revelation of nature.” Sometimes, in its brutal aspects, “children are reckoned as scarcely more than cubs,” yet with refinement they “come to represent the more spiritual side of the family life.” The folktale of Romulus and Remus and Catullus’ picture of the young Torquatus represent these two poles (350. 32). The scant appearances of children in the Old Testament, the constant prominence given to the male succession, are followed later on by the promise which buds and flowers in the world-child Jesus, and the childhood which is the new-birth, the golden age of which Jewish seers and prophets had dreamt. In early Christianity, it would appear that, with the exception of the representation in art of the child, the infant Christ, “childhood as an image had largely faded out of art and literature” (350. 80). The Renaissance “turned its face toward childhood, and looked into that image for the profoundest realization of its hopes and dreams” (350. 102), and since then Christianity has followed that path. And the folk were walking in these various ages and among these different peoples humbly along the same road, which their geniuses travelled. Of the great modern writers and poets, the author notes especially Wordsworth, through whom the child was really born in our literature, the linker together