The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (the best motivational books .TXT) π
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The Wealth of Nations is economist Adam Smithβs magnum opus and the foundational text of what today we call classical economics. Its publication ushered in a new era of thinking and discussion about how economies function, a sea change away from the older, increasingly-irrelevant mercantilist and physiocratic views of economics towards a new practical application of economics for the birth of the industrial era. Its scope is vast, touching on concepts like free markets, supply and demand, division of labor, war, and public debt. Its fundamental message is that the wealth of a nation is measured not by the gold in the monarchβs treasury, but by its national income, which in turn is produced by labor, land, and capital.
Some ten years in the writing, The Wealth of Nations is the product of almost two decades of notes, study, and discussion. It was released to glowing praise, selling out its first print run in just six months and going through five subsequent editions and countless reprintings in Smithβs lifetime. It began inspiring legislators almost immediately and continued to do so well into the 1800s, and influenced thinkers ranging from Alexander Hamilton to Karl Marx.
Today, it is the second-most-cited book in the social sciences that was published before 1950, and its legacy as a foundational text places it in the stratosphere of civilization-changing books like Principia Mathematica and The Origin of Species.
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- Author: Adam Smith
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Ed. 1 reads βIt was once a fifth, as in silver, but it was found the work could not bear it.β β©
βIt is more rare to see a gold miner rich than a silver miner or of any other metal.β ββ Frezier, Voyage, p. 108. There seems nothing in either Frezier or Ulloa to indicate that they took the gloomy view of the prospects of the gold and silver miner which is ascribed to them in the text. From this and the curious way in which they are coupled together, here and above (here and here), and also the fact that no mention is made of the title of either of their books, it seems probable that Smith is quoting from memory or from notes which had become mixed. It is possible that he confused Frezier with Ulloaβs collaborator, Don George Juan, but Ulloa is quoted without Frezier above, here, and below, here. β©
The Six Voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, a Noble Man of France Now Living, Through Turkey Into Persia and the East Indies, translated by J. P., 1678, does not appear to contain any such statement. Possibly it is merely founded on Tavernierβs remark that βthere was a mine discovered between Coulour and Raolconda, which the King caused to be shut up again by reason of some cheats that were used there; for they found therein that sort of stones which had this green outside, fair and transparent, and which appeared more fair than the others, but when they came to the mill they crumbled to piecesβ (pt. ii, p. 138). In Eds. 4 and 5 βyieldedβ is misprinted βyield.β β©
Ed. 1 reads βseems.β β©
The evidence for this statement, which does not agree with the figures in the table at the end of the chapter, is given in the next eleven paragraphs. β©
Already quoted above, here. β©
It speaks of the Act of 1349, which ordered a continuance of wages at the level of 20 Edward III, and five or six years before (1347 or 1348 to 1353), as having been passed βagainst the malice of servants which were idle and not willing to serve after the pestilence without taking excessive wages,β and gives as the reason for new provisions βforasmuch as it is given the King to understand in this present Parliament by the petition of the commonalty that the said servants having no regard to the said ordinance, but to their ease and singular covetise, do withdraw themselves to serve great men and other, unless they have livery and wages to the double or treble of that they were wont to take the said twentieth year and before, to the great damage of the great men and impoverishing of all the said commonalty, whereof the said commonalty prayeth remedy.β β©
I.e., four years before the twentieth year. β©
This and the other reductions of ancient money to the eighteenth century standard are probably founded on the table in Martin Folkes, Table of English Silver Coins, 1745, p. 142. β©
E.g., Fleetwoodβs prices in the table at the end of the chapter. β©
Fleetwood, Chronicon Preciosum, 1707, pp. 83β ββ 85. β©
The date 1262 is wrong, as 51 Hen. III ran from October 28, 1266, to October 27, 1267. But the editions of the statutes which ascribe the statute to 51 Hen. III appear to have no good authority for doing so; see Statutes of the Realm, vol. i, p. 199, notes. The statute has already been quoted above, here, and is quoted again below, here. β©
Ed. 1 reads βvery far wrong.β β©
The Regulations and Establishment of the Houshold of Henry Algernon Percy, the Fifth Earl of Northumberland, at His Castles of Wresill and Lekinfield in Yorkshire, Begun Anno Domini MDXII, 1770, pp. 2, 4, but there are not really two estimations. It seems clear that βvs. viijd.β on p. 4 is merely a misprint or mistake for βvis. viijd.,β since 118 qrs. 2 bushels are reckoned at Β£39 8s. 4d. β©
15 Hen. VI, c. 2. β©
3 Ed. IV, c. 2. β©
1 and 2 P. and M., c. 5, Β§ 7. Licences for exportation, however, are recognised by the Act. β©
1 Eliz., c. 11, Β§ 11, which, however, merely partially exempts Norfolk and Suffolk from regulations intended to prevent exportation from places where no customhouse existed. β©
5 Eliz., c. 5, Β§ 17. β©
Neither his Recherches sur la valeur des Monnoies et sur les prix des grains avant et aprΓ¨s le concile de Francfort, 1762, nor his Essai sur les Monnoies, ou rΓ©flections sur le rapport entre lβargent et les denrΓ©es, 1746, contain any clear justification for this reference. β©
From 1446 to 1515 βLe blΓ© fut plus bas que dans les siΓ¨cles prΓ©cΓ©dents.β ββ Essai sur la police gΓ©nΓ©rale des grains sur leur prix et sur les effets de lβagriculture, 1755 (by C. J. Herbert), pp. 259, 260 β©
Ed. 1 reads βwith the tenantβ here and omits βof the tenantβ in next line. β©
Ed. 1 reads βrent at the price of the fiars of each year rather.β β©
Chronicon Preciosum, 1707, pp. 121, 122. Fleetwood does not βacknowledgeβ any βmistake,β but says that though the price was not the market price it might have been βwell agreed
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