The Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton (books to read in your 20s .txt) π

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In early 1787, the Congress of the United States called a meeting of delegates from each state to try to fix what was wrong with the Articles of Confederation. The Articles had created an intentionally weak central government, and that weakness had brought the nation to a crisis in only a few years. Over the next several months, the delegates worked to produce the document that would become the U.S. Constitution.
When Congress released the proposed Constitution to the states for ratification in the fall of 1787, reaction was swift: in newspapers throughout each state, columnists were quick to condemn the radical reworking of the nationβs formative document. In New York State, a member of the convention decided to launch into the fray; he and two other men he recruited began writing their own anonymous series defending the proposed Constitution, each one signed βPublius.β They published seventy-seven articles in four different New York papers over the course of several months. When the articles were collected and published as a book early the following year, the authors added another eight articles. Although many at the time guessed the true identities of the authors, it would be a few years before the authors were confirmed to be Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, Hamilton and Madison both being delegates at the convention.
Although the articlesβ influence on the Constitutionβs ratification is debatedβnewspapers were largely local at the time, so few outside New York saw the articlesβtheir influence on the interpretation of the Constitution within the judiciary is immense. They are a window not only into the structure and content of the document, but also the reasons for the structure and content, written by men who helped author the document. Consequently, they have been quoted almost 300 times in Supreme Court cases. They remain perhaps the best and clearest explanation of the document that is the cornerstone of the United States government.
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- Author: Alexander Hamilton
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The responsibility, therefore, as well as the greater portion of the labor, which attended the organization of the friends of the new Constitutionβ βscattered throughout the state, the direction of their feeble efforts, and the general conduct of the struggle in this, the principal battlefield for βthe new system,β necessarily devolved on Alexander Hamiltonβ βa gentleman whose record was one of honorable and patriotic service; whose voice had never been raised in behalf of political oppression, or in extenuation of official dishonor; in whom the people of New York had often placed confidence, and by whom it had never been betrayed; whose great abilities, indomitable energy, and never-failing tact had seldom been questioned and never surpassed. Deeply read in that portion of the literature of ancient and modern times which pertained to his studies as one of the rising statesmen of America, and personally acquainted, in all their minutiae, with the politics and politicians of New Yorkβ βthen as complicated as they ever have been since that period; a close observer of current events, and fertile in resources for the instantaneous seizure and improvement of passing opportunities, which promised advantage to his cause or to his party; well versed in all the intricacies of the law, and skilled beyond the greater number of his contemporaries in all the graces of elocution; distinguished in arms, in civil life without reproachβ βhe was, above all others of his party, the best qualified for a popular leader, and a champion, before the people of his adopted state, of the new, and widely abused, Constitution.
It is evident that among the subjects antagonistic to βthe new system,β which had arrested the attention of Colonel Hamilton at an early day, had been the two series of essays, over the signatures of βCatoβ and βBrutusβ respectively, to which reference has been made; and that he had promptly determined on measures which, he supposed, would counteract the bad effects which those essays were so well calculated to produce, among the people of the State of New York, to whom they had been specifically addressed.
Without any unnecessary waste of time, he appears to have taken a rapid survey of the general subject, and of the peculiar plan of operationsβ βdeveloped in the earlier numbers of their essaysβ βwhich the able leaders of the Statesβ-Rights, or anti-constitutional party in New York had adopted, in their well-digested opposition to βthe new system,β and he resolved to employ the same potential agency which they had employedβ βthe newspaper pressβ βand, if possible, the same sheets, for the dissemination of sentiments which, he hoped, would counteract the arguments of his opponents, and lead the people of the State of New York to accede to the proposed Constitution. It is evident, also, that, with that tact which formed so prominent a trait of his character, Colonel Hamilton resolved, in view of the sturdy attachment of the inhabitants of New York to the Confederated Union of the Thirteen United States which then existed, to avoid the charge which had been brought against the friends of the proposed Constitution, of a latent desire to dissolve that Union and to consolidate the thirteen peoples of which it was constituted into one nation, under a single government, by a bold and unequivocal defence of that Union, per se, and by a countercharge on his opponents, of the existence among them of a secret purpose to dissolve that Union, and to establish in its stead two or more βpetty confederacies.β It is evident, also, that he resolved to appeal to the cupidity of the commercial classesβ βwith whose well-known tendency to conservatism, at all times, he was well acquaintedβ βby assuming that the immediate adoption of the proposed Constitution, without amendment, by the State of New York, was necessary in order to preserve the Union from disruption, and the State from anarchy, if not from dismemberment and annihilation; that a peremptory rejection of it by the State of New York, or a prolonged delay in ratifying it, which would be necessary if a previous revision of the instrument should be demanded by that state, would be productive of the most serious evils, both to the State and to the Union; and that the derangement of the Federal finances was the legitimate result of a radical defect in the Articles of Confederation; while the apparent stagnation of tradeβ βthe necessary consequence of an oversupply of goods and of an undue proportion of vendors when compared with the aggregate of the populationβ βby being magnified to such an extent, and presented in such a manner, as to make them appear as the necessary results of a defective form of Government, he hoped, might also afford him great assistance as an introduction both to his projected condemnation of the existing Federal system, and to his proposed appeal in behalf of βthe new Constitution.β
A plan of operations which was so well adapted to produce confusion in the ranks of those who opposed βthe new system,β and to shake the confidence which the people of the State of New York had reposed in the arguments of its leaders, needed only a careful elaboration of its details, and a prompt and energetic execution of its different parts, to insure some degree of success. To secure these, Colonel Hamilton appears to have sought the assistance of those whose peculiar qualifications adapted them to the discharge of peculiar lines of duty, reserving to himself, however, not only the general control of the discussion, but the execution of those portions of it which appear to have been attended with the greatest difficulties. The Secretary of the United States for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Jay), notwithstanding the lukewarmness of his sympathy, was induced to undertake those portions of the discussion which related to the importance of the Union in connection with the foreign relations of the States, and to the treaty-making authority of the Senateβ βboth of them being subjects which his official position enabled him to discuss with unusual ability, without compromising in
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