The Final Twist by Jeffery Deaver (free ebooks romance novels txt) 📕

the word—wanted to start an opposing movement. He wanted capitalism intertwined with government. And so—this.”

Another tap of the book containing the language of Proposition 06.

Field said, in a whisper, “Does anything strike you as odd about those words? Anything bizarre? Anything revolutionary?”

Russell looked his way impatiently.

“Maybe in the third qualification,” Field prompted.

Shaw suddenly understood. “Can’t be,” he whispered.

Field replied, “Oh, yes. This amendment gives a corporation the right to run for and hold office in California.”

49

Impossible,” Russell said.

The professor said, “Not impossible at all. It’s one of the smartest political coups of all time. Most subversive too.”

His finger traced the tally, then perhaps realizing it was an original, historic document he quickly removed his hand.

Russell said, “It doesn’t say anything about corporations.”

It was Shaw’s legal experience that had given him a rough understanding of the implication. “Yes, it actually does.”

Field nodded. “You’re right, Colter. Let me explain.” Field’s eyes shone, both troubled and exhibiting a hint of admiration, as he stared at the paragraph. “Read it again.”

The brothers both did.

“One, to hold office a person must have been a California resident for five years. The law is well settled that corporations can be residents of states. For tax purposes, they must be. Two, the person must have attained the age of twenty-one. It’s an easy argument to make that a corporation begins to age from the date of incorporation.

“Ah, but the third line . . .” Field said this as if the words he was referring to were a magical incantation. “The third line is the key. To hold office a person must have been a U.S. citizen for ten years, but only if you’re a natural person, not a corporate one. Corporations are excluded from that requirement. So to hold office in California, a company need only be a resident of the state for five years and incorporated at least twenty-one years ago.”

His eyes on the judge’s order, Russell said, “But this thing is over a hundred years old. It can’t become law.”

Field said, “It is the law. Now.”

Shaw frowned. This was beyond his legal ken.

“In nineteen oh-six, the minute it passed, the constitution was amended. The governor, the state assembly—they don’t need to approve anything. This has been the law for a hundred and ten years. It’s just that nobody knows it.”

Russell’s face was still, as he stared out the window.

“And there’s more.” The man’s visage revealed how unnerved he was.

“Go on,” Shaw encouraged.

“Now, any U.S. citizen can run for office in California, unless you’re a convicted felon or disqualified by term limits. The law doesn’t require you to have been a citizen for a certain amount of time.” A tap near the voting tally. “This, though, requires you to be a citizen for ten years.”

Shaw said, “Which has the effect of ousting, what? Hundreds of people holding office now?”

Field nodded. “There’ll have to be special elections or appointments for all the seats.”

Shaw looked at Russell, who apparently had Shaw’s very thought in mind.

To Field, Shaw said, “There’s a man who’s been looking for this: Jonathan Stuart Devereux.”

Field’s face filled with understanding. “Devereux, of course—mastermind of multinational conglomerates and corporate acquisitions. What’s his company again? I can’t recall.”

“Banyan Tree.”

“That’s right, sure. So he’s the Roland C. T. Briggs of today. Of course he’d want the tally. Devereux can enter his company in any elections in the state . . . And he can bring all the company’s resources to the campaign. You can spend as much money as you want on your own election. Campaign finance limits are on third-party donations. How can anyone win against an opponent who can spend a billion dollars?”

The professor was shaking his head. “And the language of Prop Oh-Six says ‘hold’ office, not just run in an election. The corporation could be appointed as head of the state environmental board, taxing authorities, immigration board, planning and zoning, financial regulation, sheriff, judges. My God. He could spin off subsidiaries and each one could run for office. Devereux could eventually control the legislature, judgeships, the state supreme court. And even if his companies didn’t run for office, he could threaten other candidates, get them to agree to positions he wants in exchange for not crushing them at the polls.”

Russell said, “Afraid there’s something else.”

Field sighed and seemed to prepare himself.

Shaw delivered the news: “Over the last few years, Devereux has been on a buying spree. He’s acquired nearly one hundred and fifty subsidiaries in California. I’m sure they were incorporated more than twenty-one years ago—to meet the ‘age’ requirement.”

“My God. He knows that those assemblymen and senators will be out of office. His companies’ll run for the seat and bring all of Banyan Tree’s money to the game. And of course, because of the new citizenship requirement, the politicians who’ll be ousted are minorities. Asian and Latinx. People who fought for equal rights in the state. With them gone and Devereux calling the shots . . . I can’t imagine what’ll happen. It’s like going back to the days before the Civil Rights Act.”

It now occurred to Colter Shaw that the phrase Endgame Sanction was not a randomly picked code name at all. The first word could describe Devereux’s companies coming into political power. And sanction ironically could be read in both senses. Banyan Tree would have permission to do what it wanted . . . and the power to punish.

“But how would it work? Who would actually sit in the assembly?”

Field said, “There are some practical issues, yes. But that could be worked out. The CEO or shareholders could appoint a representative.”

Shaw said, “There’ll be a court challenge.”

Russell sat back in the chair. “Has to be struck down.”

Field was looking out the window at some striking red flower. The Bay Area was a perpetual greenhouse. “I wish that were the case. But I wouldn’t be too sure. At one point in our history, that would have been true. The founding fathers were smart enough to draw a distinction between corporations that ran cities and performed