An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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maintenance, is in the end the dearest of any. A person who can acquire no
property can have no other interest but to eat as much and to labour as
little as possible. Whatever work he does beyond what is sufficient to
purchase his own maintenance, can be squeezed out of him by violence only,
and not by any interest of his own. In ancient Italy, how much the
cultivation of corn degenerated, how unprofitable it became to the master,
when it fell under the management of slaves, is remarked both by Pliny and
Columella. In the time of Aristotle, it had not been much better in ancient
Greece. Speaking of the ideal republic described in the laws of Plato, to
maintain 5000 idle men (the number of warriors supposed necessary for its
defence), together with their women and servants, would require, he says, a
territory of boundless extent and fertility, like the plains of Babylon.
The pride of man makes him love to domineer, and nothing mortifies him so
much as to be obliged to condescend to persuade his inferiors. Wherever the
law allows it, and the nature of the work can afford it, therefore, he will
generally prefer the service of slaves to that of freemen. The planting of
sugar and tobacco can afford the expense of slave cultivation. The raising
of corn, it seems, in the present times, cannot. In the English colonies, of
which the principal produce is corn, the far greater part of the work is
done by freemen. The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, to set
at liberty all their negro slaves, may satisfy us that their number cannot
be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their property, such a
resolution could never have been agreed to. In our sugar colonies., on the
contrary, the whole work is done by slaves, and in our tobacco colonies a
very great part of it. The profits of a sugar plantation in any of our West
Indian colonies, are generally much greater than those of any other
cultivation that is known either in Europe or America ; and the profits of a
tobacco plantation, though inferior to those of sugar, are superior to
those of corn, as has already been observed. Both can afford the expense of
slave cultivation but sugar can afford it still better than tobacco. The
number of negroes, accordingly, is much greater, in proportion to that of
whites, in our sugar than in our tobacco colonies.
To the slave cultivators of ancient times. gradually succeeded a species of
farmers, known at present in France by the name of metayers. They are called
in Latin Coloni Partiarii. They have been so long in disuse in England, that
at present I know no English name for them. The proprietor furnished them
with the seed, cattle, and instruments of husbandry, the whole stock, in
short, necessary for cultivating the farm. The produce was divided equally
between the proprietor and the farmer, after setting aside what was judged
necessary for keeping up the stock, which was restored to the proprietor,
when the farmer either quitted or was turned out of the farm.
Land occupied by such tenants is properly cultivated at the expense of the
proprietors, as much as that occupied by slaves. There is, however, one very
essential difference between them. Such tenants, being freemen, are capable
of acquiring property; and having a certain proportion of the produce of the
land, they have a plain interest that the whole produce should be as great
as possible, in order that their own proportion may be so. A slave, on the
contrary, who can acquire nothing but his maintenance, consults his own
ease, by making the land produce as little as possible over and above that
maintenance. It is probable that it was partly upon account of this
advantage, and partly upon account of the encroachments which the
sovereigns, always jealous of the great lords, gradually encouraged their
villains to make upon their authority, and which seem, at least, to have
been such as rendered this species of servitude altogether inconvenient,
that tenure in villanage gradually wore out through the greater part of
Europe. The time and manner, however, in which so important a revolution was
brought about, is one of the most obscure points in modern history. The
church of Rome claims great merit in it ; and it is certain, that so early
as the twelfth century, Alexander III. published a bull for the general
emancipation of slaves. It seems, however, to have been rather a pious
exhortation, than a law to which exact obedience was required from the
faithful. Slavery continued to take place almost universally for several
centuries afterwards, till it was gradually abolished by the joint operation
of the two interests above mentioned ; that of the proprietor on the one
hand, and that of the sovereign on the other. A villain, enfranchised, and
at the same time allowed to continue in possession of the land, having no
stock of his own, could cultivate it only by means of what the landlord
advanced to him, and must therefore have been what the French call a
metayer.
It could never, however, be the interest even of this last species of
cultivators, to lay out, in the further improvement of the land, any part of
the little stock which they might save from their own share of the produce ;
because the landlord, who laid out nothing, was to get one half of whatever
it produced. The tithe, which is but a tenth of the produce, is found to be
a very great hindrance to improvement. A tax, therefore, which amounted to
one half, must have been an effectual bar to it. It might be the interest of
a metayer to make the land produce as much as could be brought out of it by
means of the stock furnished by the proprietor ; but it could never be his
interest to mix any part of his own with it. In France, where five parts out
of six of the whole kingdom are said to be still occupied by this species of
cultivators, the proprietors complain, that their metayers take every
opportunity of employing their masterβs cattle rather in carriage than in
cultivation ; because, in the one case, they get the whole profits to
themselves, in the other they share them with their landlord. This species
of tenants still subsists in some parts of Scotland. They are called
steel-bow tenants. Those ancient English tenants, who are said by
Chief-Baron Gilbert and Dr Blackstone to have been rather bailiffs of the
landlord than farmers, properly so called, were probably of the same kind.
To this species of tenantry succeeded, though by very slow degrees, farmers,
properly so called, who cultivated the land with their own stock, paying a
rent certain to the landlord. When such farmers have a lease for a term of
years, they may sometimes find it for their interest to lay out part of
their capital in the further improvement of the farm; because they may
sometimes expect to recover it, with a large profit, before the expiration
of the lease. The possession, even of such farmers, however, was long
extremely precarious, and still is so in many parts of Europe. They could,
before the expiration of their term, be legally ousted of their leases by a
new purchaser; in England, even, by the fictitious action of a common
recovery. If they were turned out illegally by the violence of their master,
the action by which they obtained redress was extremely imperfect. It did
not always reinstate them in the possession of the land, but gave them
damages, which never amounted to a real loss. Even in England, the country,
perhaps of Europe, where the yeomanry has always been most respected, it was
not till about the 14th of Henry VII. that the action of ejectment was
invented, by which the tenant recovers, not damages only, but possession,
and in which his claim is not necessarily concluded by the uncertain
decision of a single assize. This action has been found so effectual a
remedy, that, in the modern practice, when the landlord has occasion to sue
for the possession of the land, he seldom makes use of the actions which
properly belong to him as a landlord, the writ of right or the writ of
entry, but sues in the name of his tenant, by the writ of ejectment. In
England, therefore the security of the tenant is equal to that of the
proprietor. In England, besides, a lease for life of forty shillings a-year
value is a freehold, and entitles the lessee to a vote for a member of
parliament ; and as a great part of the yeomanry have freeholds of this
kind, the whole order becomes respectable to their landlords, on account of
the political consideration which this gives them. There is, I believe,
nowhere in Europe, except in England, any instance of the tenant building
upon the land of which he had no lease, and trusting that the honour of his
landlord would take no advantage of so important an improvement. Those laws
and customs, so favourable to the yeomanry, have perhaps contributed more to
the present grandeur of England, than all their boasted regulations of
commerce taken together.
The law which secures the longest leases against successors of every kind,
is, so far as I know, peculiar to Great Britain. It was introduced into
Scotland so early as 1449, by a law of James II. Its beneficial influence,
however, has been much obstructed by entails ; the heirs of entail being
generally restrained from letting leases for any long term of years,
frequently for more than one year. A late act of parliament has, in this
respect, somewhat slackened their fetters, though they are still by much too
strait. In Scotland, besides, as no leasehold gives a vote for a member of
parliament, the yeomanry are upon this account less respectable to their
landlords than in England.
In other parts of Europe, after it was found convenient to secure tenants
both against heirs and purchasers, the term of their security was still
limited to a very short period ; in France, for example, to nine years from
the commencement of the lease. It has in that country, indeed, been lately
extended to twentyseven, a period still too short to encourage the tenant to
make the most important improvements. The proprietors of land were
anciently the legislators of every part of Europe. The laws relating to
land, therefore, were all calculated for what they supposed the interest of
the proprietor. It was for his interest, they had imagined, that no lease
granted by any of his predecessors should hinder him from enjoying, during a
long term of years, the full value of his land. Avarice and injustice are
always short-sighted, and they did not foresee how much this regulation must
obstruct improvement, and thereby hurt, in the long-run, the real interest
of the landlord.
The farmers, too, besides paying the rent, were anciently, it was supposed,
bound to perform a great number of services to the landlord, which were
seldom either specified in the lease, or regulated by any precise rule, but
by the use and wont of the manor or barony. These services, therefore. being
almost entirely arbitrary, subjected the tenant to many vexations. In
Scotland the abolition of all services not precisely stipulated in the
lease, has, in the course of a few years, very much altered for the better
the condition of the yeomanry of that country.
The public services to which the yeomanry were bound, were not less
arbitrary than the private ones. To make and maintain the high roads, a
servitude which still subsists, I believe, everywhere,
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