William Pitt and the Great War by John Holland Rose (book club reads txt) π
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[612] Pitt MSS., 189.
[613] "Life of Wilberforce," ii, 270.
[614] The estimate of Pitt by Wellesley, summarized above, refutes the
ungenerous remark of Lecky (v, 72) that he took little delight in books
and "was a politician, and nothing more." Lecky was perhaps misled by
the ignorant libel on Pitt in Wraxall, iii, 223.
[615] "Diary of D. Scully," quoted by Dr. Hunt, "Transactions of Royal
Hist. Soc." (1908), p. 12.
[616] Lord Rosebery, "Tomline's Estimate of Pitt," 33.
[617] _I.e._, Mantua rejoices in Wurmser, Rovereda in Davidovitch,
Verona is open to Quosdanovitch. "Woe is me," says the greedy Gaul,
Bonaparte, "I shall have to be off through the Alps and go to the dogs."
[618] Pitt MSS., 188.
[619] Pitt MSS., 188. Hobart married Pitt's early love, Eleanor Eden,
and became Minister at War under Addington. For Mornington's comments on
his factious conduct at Madras, see "Dropmore P.," iv, 384, 476; v, 268;
vi, 338.
[620] Stanhope, iii, 232; Rosebery, "Pitt," 213-7.
[621] Pitt MSS., 188.
[622] Gabrielle Festing, "J. H. Frere and his Friends," 31.
[623] "Malmesbury Diaries," iv, 8; Pellew, i, ch. xi; G. Festing,
"Hookham Frere," 42-4; R. Bell, "Canning," 176; H. W. V. Temperley,
"Canning," 62-3.
[624] Stanhope, iii, 315; Festing, 47-51.
[625] May, "Constit. Hist.," i, 232-8; Lecky, v, 27.
[626] Wraxall, ii, 286.
[627] Stanhope, iii, 352; "Dropmore P.," vii, 49-51. For new letters of
Canning and Grenville, see "Pitt and Napoleon Miscellanies."
[628] See Rose, "Life of Napoleon," i, ch. xiv, for details.
[629] B.M. Add. MSS., 37844.
[630] "Private Papers of Wilberforce," 110.
[631] For the passing misunderstanding of February 1802, see Pellew, ii,
489-92, with Pitt's letters.
[632] B.M. Add. MSS., 37844.
[633] Pellew, ii, 75, 76.
[634] Pretyman MSS. Bullock paid the servants and supervised the
accounts at Downing Street. Pitt was then staying with Addington near
Reading.
[635] Omitting shillings, the details for Downing Street and Holwood for
July-December 1799 are respectively: Table, Β£344, Β£231; Cellar, Β£169,
Β£126; Housekeeping, Β£531, Β£156; Private Account, Β£357, Β£--; Servants'
Wages, Β£251, Β£69; Servants' Board Wages, Β£329, Β£80; Servants' Bills,
Β£353, Β£15; Liveries, Β£41, Β£--; Taxes, etc., Β£747, Β£77; Farm, Β£--, Β£784;
Farm Labourers, Β£--, Β£379; Garden, Β£--, Β£125; Stable, Β£155, Β£--; Job
Horses, Β£165, Β£--; Incidentals, Β£347, Β£340. (Pitt MSS., 201.)
[636] Joseph Smith (no relative of "Bob Smith," Lord Carrington) became
Pitt's private secretary in 1787. His letters, published along with "The
Beaufort Papers" in 1897, throw no light on Pitt's debts.
[637] Ashbourne, 162. See, too, ch. xv of this work.
[638] G. Rose, "Diaries," i, 429; ii, 215.
[639] Pitt MSS., 126. Coutts and five other bankers each subscribed
Β£50,000 to the "Loyalty Loan" in 1797 and invested Β£10,000 on behalf of
Pitt.
[640] Stanhope, iv, 233, 252; Ashbourne, 351-4.
[641] Pretyman MSS.
[642] "Private Papers of Wilberforce," 34; G. Rose, "Diaries," i, 508.
[643] "Letters of Wilberforce," i, 256.
[644] Pretyman MSS.
[645] Auckland, while ambassador at The Hague, was suspected of too
great inquisitiveness as to the British despatches which passed through
that place. On 20th July 1790, Aust, of the Foreign Office, wrote to Sir
M. Keith at Vienna that Keith's new cipher puzzles "our friends atthe Hague," and that Auckland's curiosity is "insatiable" (B.M. Add.
MSS., 35543). See, too, a note by Miss Rose in G. Rose "Diaries," ii,
75.
[646] Pretyman MSS.
[647] Pellew, ii, 113. Lord Holland, writing early in 1803 to his uncle,
General Fox, then at Malta, says that there are three parties in
Parliament, besides many subdivisions, "Grenville and Windham against
peace and nearly avowed enemies of the present Government; the old
Opposition; and Addington [_sic_]. Pitt, as you know, supports
Addington, but the degree of intimacy and the nature of his connection
with Ministers are riddles to every one." (From Mr. Broadley's MSS.)
[648] "Malmesbury Diaries," iv, 168; G. Rose, "Diaries," ii, 6-9;
Pellew, ii, 113.
CHAPTER XXII (ADDINGTON OR PITT?)
Once more doth Pitt deem the land crying loud to him--
Frail though and spent, and an hungered for restfulness
Once more responds he, dead fervours to energize
Aims to concentre, slack efforts to bind.
THOMAS HARDY, _The Dynasts_, Act i, sc. 3.
On 30th January 1803 there appeared in the "Moniteur" the official
Report of Colonel Sebastiani, Napoleon's envoy to the Levant. So
threatening were its terms respecting the situation in Egypt and Corfu,
that the Addington Ministry at once adopted a stiffer tone, and applied
to Parliament for 10,000 additional seamen and the embodying of the
militia. But the House, while readily acceding on 9th March, evidently
wanted not only more men but a man. The return of Pitt to power was
anxiously discussed in the lobbies. The Duke of Portland and Lord Pelham
strongly expressed their desire for it. Yet Pitt remained at Walmer,
feeling that he could not support financial plans fraught with danger to
the State. Addington therefore resolved to sound him again with a view
to his entering the Cabinet as a coadjutor. The envoy whom he chose for
this delicate mission was Henry Dundas, now Lord Melville. He could
count on his devotion; for, besides nominating him for the peerage, he
is said to have opened to his gaze a life of official activity and
patronage as First Lord of the Admiralty in place of the parsimonious
and unmannerly St. Vincent.[649] Pitt received his old friend at Walmer
with a shade of coolness in view of his declaration, on quitting office,
that he could accept no boon whatever from Addington. To come now as his
Cabinet-maker argued either overwhelming patriotism or phenomenal
restlessness.
[Illustration: HENRY DUNDAS, FIRST VISCOUNT MELVILLE. (From a
painting by Sir T. Lawrence)]
Nevertheless, the two friends resumed at Walmer the festive intercourse
of the Wimbledon days; and in due course, after dinner and wine,
Melville broached the subject of his visit. It was that Addington, who
was First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, should
resign the latter office to Pitt, and take Lord Pelham's place as
Secretary of State for Home Affairs. We can picture the astonishment and
wrath of Pitt as this singular proposal came to light. At once he cut
short the conversation, probably not without expletives. But Melville
was pertinacious where patriotism and office were at stake; and their
converse spread over the two days, 21st-22nd March, Melville thereupon
sending a summary of it to Addington, couched in terms which Pitt deemed
too favourable. The upshot was that on personal grounds Pitt desired not
to return to office; and, if affairs were efficiently conducted, would
prefer to continue his present independent support. If, however, the
misleading statements of the Treasury were persisted in, he must
criticize them. Above all, if he returned to office it must be as First
Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer.
But Addington, foreseeing that Pitt would claim his two former offices,
had concocted a sovereign remedy for all these personal sores. Pitt was
to take office as Chancellor of the Exchequer, serving under his
brother, the Earl of Chatham, as Prime Minister. Is it surprising that
he negatived this singular proposal "without reserve or affectation"? By
way of retort to this family prescription he charged Melville to point
out the absolute need of the Cabinet being under the control of "the
First Minister," who must not only have the confidence of the King and
administer the finances, but also in the last resort impose his will on
his colleagues. For himself he declared he would never come forward
unless bound by public duty and with the enjoyment of the fullest
confidence of the King.[650] There is a discrepancy between Melville's
letter to Addington and a short account given by Pitt to Wilberforce two
years later, to the effect that Melville, on cautiously opening his
proposals at Walmer, saw that it would not do and stopped abruptly.
"Really," said Pitt with a sly severity, "I had not the curiosity to ask
what I was to be."
Such was the bomb-shell exploded on Addington's bureau on 23rd March.
It must have cost him no less concern than Bonaparte's outrageous
behaviour to our ambassador, Lord Whitworth, ten days before. That scene
before the diplomatic circle at the Tuileries portended war. How would
Addington and his colleagues behave in this crisis? Would they sink all
personal feelings, and, admitting that they could not weather the storm,
accept the help and guidance of long tried navigators? Or would they
stand on their dignity and order the pilot-boat to sheer off? Clearly it
was a case where half measures were useless. The old captain and his
chosen subalterns must command the ship. Pitt made this clear during
conversations with Addington at Long's house at Bromley Hill (10th
April). While declaring that he would not urge any point inconsistent
with His Majesty's intentions, he demanded that Grenville, Melville,
Spencer, and Windham should enter the Cabinet with him on the clearly
expressed desire of the King, and at the request of the present
Ministry. The last conditions seem severe. But Pitt's pledge to
Addington made it essential that the Prime Minister should take the
first step. To these terms two days later Addington made demur, but
promised to communicate them to his colleagues; whereupon Pitt declared
that he had said the last word on the matter; and when Ministers
objected to Grenville and Windham, he was inexorable.[651] That their
anger waxed hot against him appears from the following letter sent to
Pitt by Lord Redesdale, formerly Sir John Mitford, and now Lord
Chancellor of Ireland, who had been with Pitt and Addington at their
conferences at Bromley:
Albemarle St., _April 16, 1803_.[652]
What passed yesterday and the day before at Bromley Hill, has
made so strong an impression on my mind that I have been unable
to relieve myself from the anxiety which it has occasioned.
However you may flatter yourself to the contrary, it seems to me
most clear that your return into office, with the impression
under which you have appeared to act, must have the effect of
driving from their situations every man now in office, and
making a greater change than has ever been made on any similar
occasion. I think myself as one of those persons individually
intitled to call upon your honour not to pursue the line of
conduct which you seem determined to adopt. The present
Administration, so far from having been formed in hostility to
you, was avowedly formed of your friends. When you quitted
office, you repeatedly declared that you should consider
yourself as obliged to those friends who would continue in
office or would accept office under Mr. Addington. You must
recollect that I expressed to you my disapprobation of the
change and my wish to retire to my situation at the Bar,
quitting the office of Attorney-General; and that you used to me
these words--"That you _must_ not do, for my sake." The words
were too strongly impressed upon my mind at the moment to have
escaped my memory. You encouraged me to take the office of
Speaker much against my will. If I had not taken that office,
nothing should have induced me to take that in which I am now
placed, and by which I have been brought into a position of much
anxiety, separated from all my old friends. Many many others are
in similar situations, and all are to be sacrificed to those men
who were said by yourself at the time to be acting in
contradiction to your wishes in quitting their offices or those
who dragged you out of office with them. You will probably tell
me that you have no such intentions, particularly with respect
to myself. But, whatever may be your intentions, such must be
the unavoidable consequence of the changes which you have
determined upon. I thought, when I took a situation under the
Administration at the head of which you placed Mr. Addington,
that I was doing you service. It was of no small importance to
you, whether you looked to a return to office, or to retirement
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