A History of China by Wolfram Eberhard (read a book .TXT) 📕

p. 198: For the merchants I used Ch'ü T'ung-tsu, Sung Hsi and Wada Kiyoshi.—For trade, I used extensively Ch'üan Han-sheng and J. Kuwabara.—On labour legislation in early modern times I used Ko Ch'ang-chi and especially Li Chien-nung, also my own studies.—On strikes I used Kat[=o] Shigeru and modern Chinese authors.—The problem of "vagrants" has been taken up by Li Chien-nung who always refers to the original sources and to modern Chinese research.—The growth of cities, perhaps the most striking event in this period, has been studied for the earlier part of our period by Kat[=o] Shigeru. Li Chien-nung also deals extensively with investments in industry and agriculture. The problem as to whether China would have developed into an industrial society without outside stimulus is much discussed by Marxist authors in China.

p. 199: On money policy see Yang Lien-sheng, Kat[=o] Shigeru and others.

p. 200: The history of one of the Southern Dynasties has been translated by Ed. H. Schafer, The Empire of Min, Tokyo 1954; Schafer's annotations provide much detail for the cultural and economic conditions of the coastal area.—For tea and its history, I use my own research; for tea trade a study by K. Kawakami and an article in the Frontier Studies, vol. 3, 1943.—Salt consumption according to H.T. Fei, Earthbound China, 1945, p. 163.

p. 201: For salt I used largely my own research. For porcelain production Li Chien-nung and other modern articles.—On paper, the classical study is Th. F. Carter, The Invention of Printing in China, New York 1925 (a revised edition now published by L.C. Goodrich).

p. 202: For paper money in the early period, see Yang Lien-sheng, Money and Credit in China, Cambridge, Mass., 1952. Although the origin of paper money seems to be well established, it is interesting to note that already in the third century A.D. money made of paper was produced and was burned during funeral ceremonies to serve as financial help for the dead. This money was, however, in the form of coins.—On iron money see Yang Lien-sheng; I also used an article in Tung-fang tsa-chih, vol. 35, No. 10.

p. 203: For the Kitan (Chines: Ch'i-tan) and their history see K.A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society. Liao, Philadelphia 1949.

p. 204: For these dynasties, I rely upon my own research.—Niida Noboru and Kat[=o] Shigeru have studied adoption laws; our specific case has in addition been studied by M. Kurihara. This system of adoptions is non-Chinese and has its parallels among Turkish tribes (A. Kollantz, Abdulkadir Inan, Osman Turan).

p. 207: For the persecution I used K. Tamai and my own research.

p. 211: This is based mainly upon my own research.—The remark on tax income is from Ch'üan Han-sheng.

p. 212: Fan Chung-yen has been studied recently by J. Fischer and D. Twitchett, but these notes on price policies are based upon my own work.—I regard the statement, that it was the gentry which prevented the growth of an industrial society—a statement which has often been made before—as preliminary, and believe that further research, especially in the growth of cities and urban institutions may lead to quite different explanations.—On estate management I relied on Y. Sudô's work.

p. 213: Research on place names such as mentioned here, has not yet been systematically done.—On i-chuang I relied upon the work by T. Makino and D. Twitchett.—This process of tax-evasion has been used by K.A. Wittfogel (1938) to construct a theory of a crisis cycle in China. I do not think that such far-reaching conclusions are warranted.

p. 214: This "law" was developed on the basis of Chinese materials from different periods as well as on materials from other parts of Asia.—In the study of tenancy, cases should be studied in which wealthier farmers rent additional land which gets cultivated by farm labourers. Such cases are well known from recent periods, but have not yet been studied in earlier periods. At the same time, the problem of farm labourers should be investigated. Such people were common in the Sung time. Research along these lines could further clarify the importance of the so-called "guest families" (k'o-hu) which were alluded to in these pages. They constituted often one third of the total population in the Sung period. The problem of migration and mobility might also be clarified by studying the k'o-hu.

p. 215: For Wang An-shih, the most comprehensive work is still H. Williamson's Wang An-shih, London 1935, 3 vol., but this work in no way exhausts the problems. We have so much personal data on Wang that a psychological study could be attempted; and we have since Williamson's time much deeper insight into the reforms and theories of Wang. I used, in addition to Williamson, O. Franke, and my own research.

p. 216: Based mainly upon Ch'ü T'ung-tsu.—For the social legislation see Hsü I-t'ang; for economic problems I used Ch'üan Han-sheng, Ts'en Chung-mien and Liu Ming-shu.—Most of these relief measures had their precursors in the T'ang period.

p. 217: It is interesting to note that later Buddhism gave up its "social gospel" in China. Buddhist circles in Asian countries at the present time attempt to revive this attitude.

p. 218: For slaughtering I used A. Hulsewé; for greeting R. Michihata; on law Ch'ü T'ung-tsu; on philosophy I adapted ideas from Chan Wing-sit.

p. 219: A comprehensive study of Chu Hsi is a great desideratum. Thus far, we have in English mainly the essays by Feng Yu-lan (transl. and annotated by D. Bodde) in the Harvard Journal of Asiat. Stud., vol. 7, 1942. T. Makino emphasized Chu's influence upon the Far East, J. Needham his interest in science.

p. 220: For Su Tung-p'o as general introduction see Lin Yutang, The Gay Genius. The Life and Times of Su Tung-p'o, New York 1947.—For painting, I am using concepts of A. Soper here.

p. 222: For this period the standard work is K.A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society, Liao, Philadelphia 1949.—Po-hai had been in tributary relations with the dynasties of North China before its defeat, and resumed these from 932 on; there were even relations with one of the South Chinese states; in the same way, Kao-li continuously played one state against the other (M. Rogers et al.).

p. 223: On the Kara-Kitai see Appendix to Wittfogel-Feng.

p. 228: For the Hakka, I relied mainly upon Lo Hsiang-lin; for Chia Ssu-tao upon H. Franke.

p. 229: The Juchên (Jurchen) are also called Nü-chih and Nü-chen, but Juchên seems to be correct (Studia Serica, vol. 3, No. 2).

Chapter Ten

p. 233: I use here mainly Meng Ssu-liang, but also others, such as Chü Ch'ing-yüan and Li Chien-nung.—The early political developments are described by H.D. Martin, The Rise of Chingis Khan and his Conquest of North China, Baltimore 1950.

p. 236: I am alluding here to such Taoist sects as the Cheng-i-chiao (Sun K'o-k'uan and especially the study in Kita Aziya gakuh[=o], vol. 2).

pp. 236-7: For taxation and all other economic questions I have relied upon Wan Kuo-ting and especially upon H. Franke. The first part of the main economic text is translated and annotated by H.F. Schurmann, Economic Structure of the Yüan Dynasty, Cambridge, Mass., 1956.

p. 237: On migrations see T. Makino and others.—For the system of communications during the Mongol time and the privileges of merchants, I used P. Olbricht.

p. 238: For the popular rebellions of this time, I used a study in the Bull. Acad. Sinica, vol. 10, 1948, but also Meng Ssu-liang and others.

p. 239: On the White Lotus Society (Pai-lien-hui) see note to previous page and an article by Hagiwara Jumpei.

p. 240: H. Serruys, The Mongols in China during the Hung-wu Period, Bruges 1959, has studied in this book and in an article the fate of isolated Mongol groups in China after the breakdown of the dynasty.

pp. 241-2: The travel report of Ch'ang-ch'un has been translated by A. Waley, The Travels of an Alchemist, London 1931.

p. 242: Hsi-hsiang-chi has been translated by S.I. Hsiung. The Romance of the Western Chamber, London 1935. All important analytic literature on drama and theatre is written by Chinese and Japanese authors, especially by Yoshikawa Kôjirô.—For Bon and early Lamaism, I used H. Hoffmann.

p. 243: Lamaism in Mongolia disappeared later, however, and was reintroduced in the reformed form (Tsong-kha-pa, 1358-1419) in the sixteenth century. See R.J. Miller, Monasteries and Culture Change in Inner Mongolia, Wiesbaden 1959.

p. 245: Much more research is necessary to clarify Japanese-Chinese relations in this period, especially to determine the size of trade. Good material is in the article by S. Iwao. Important is also S. Sakuma and an article in Li-shih yen-chiu 1955, No. 3. For the loss of coins, I relied upon D. Brown.

p. 246: The necessity of transports of grain and salt was one of the reasons for the emergence of the Hsin-an and Hui-chou merchants. The importance of these developments is only partially known (studies mainly by H. Fujii and in Li-shih-yen-chiu 1955, No. 3). Data are also in an unpublished thesis by Ch. Mac Sherry, The Impairment of the Ming Tributary System, and in an article by Wang Ch'ung-wu.

p. 247: The tax system of the Ming has been studied among others by Liang Fang-chung. Yoshiyuki Suto analysed the methods of tax evasion in the periods before the reform. For the land grants, I used Wan Kuo-ting's data.

p. 248: Based mainly upon my own research. On the progress of agriculture wrote Li Chien-nung and also Kat[=o] Shigeru and others.

p. 250: I believe that further research would discover that the "agrarian revolution" was a key factor in the economic and social development of China. It probably led to another change in dietary habits; it certainly led to a greater labour input per person, i.e. a higher number of full working days per year than before. It may be—but only further research can try to show this—that the "agrarian revolution" turned China away from technology and industry.—On cotton and its importance see the studies by M. Amano, and some preliminary remarks by P. Pelliot.

pp. 250-1: Detailed study of Central Chinese urban centres in this time is a great desideratum. My remarks here have to be taken as very preliminary. Notice the special character of the industries mentioned!—The porcelain centre of Ching-tê-chen was inhabited by workers and merchants (70-80 per cent of population); there were more than 200 private kilns.—On indented labour see Li Chien-nung, H. Iwami and Y. Yamane.

p. 253: On pien-wen I used R. Michihata, and for this general discussion R. Irvin, The Evolution of a Chinese Novel, Cambridge, Mass., 1953, and studies by J. Jaworski and J. Pru[vs]ek. Many texts of pien-wen and related styles have been found in Tunhuang and have been recently republished by Chinese scholars.

p. 254: Shui-hu-chuan has been translated by Pearl Buck, All Men are Brothers. Parts of Hsi-yu-chi have been translated by A. Waley, Monkey, London 1946. San-kuo yen-i is translated by C.H. Brewitt-Taylor, San Kuo, or Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Shanghai 1925 (a new edition just published). A purged translation of Chin-p'ing-mei is published by Fr. Kuhn Chin P'ing Mei, New York 1940.

p. 255: Even the "murder story" was already known in Ming time. An example is R.H. van Gulik, Dee Gong An. Three Murder Cases solved by Judge Dee, Tokyo 1949.

p. 256: For a special group of block-prints see R.H. van Gulik, Erotic Colour Prints of the Ming Dynasty, Tokyo 1951. This book is also an excellent introduction into Chinese psychology.

p. 257: Here I use work done by David Chan.

p. 258: I use here the research of J.J.L. Duyvendak; the reasons for the end of such enterprises, as given here, may not exhaust the problem. It may not be without relevance that Cheng came from a Muslim family. His father was a pilgrim (Bull. Chin. Studies, vol. 3, pp. 131-70). Further research is desirable.—Concerning folk-tales, I use my own research. The main Buddhist tales are the Jataka stories. They are still used by Burmese Buddhists in the same context.

p. 260: The Oirat (Uyrat, Ojrot, Ölöt) were a confederation of four tribal groups: Khosud, Dzungar, Dörbet and Turgut.

p. 261: I regard this analysis of Ming political history as unsatisfactory, but to my knowledge no large-scale analysis has been made.—For Wang Yang-ming I use mainly my own