An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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- Author: Adam Smith
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or encroaching upon some other source of revenue, such as the property or
the rent of land.
The stock which is lent at interest is, no doubt, occasionally employed in
both these ways, but in the former much more frequently than in the latter.
The man who borrows in order to spend will soon be ruined, and he who lends
to him will generally have occasion to repent of his folly. To borrow or to
lend for such a purpose, therefore, is, in all cases, where gross usury is
out of the question, contrary to the interest of both parties; and though it
no doubt happens sometimes, that people do both the one and the other, yet,
from the regard that all men have for their own interest, we may be assured,
that it cannot happen so very frequently as we are sometimes apt to imagine.
Ask any rich man of common prudence, to which of the two sorts of people he
has lent the greater part of his stock, to those who he thinks will employ
it profitably, or to those who will spend it idly, and he will laugh at you
for proposing the question. Even among borrowers, therefore, not the people
in the world most famous for frugality, the number of the frugal and
industrious surpasses considerably that of the prodigal and idle.
The only people to whom stock is commonly lent, without their being expected
to make any very profitable use of it, are country gentlemen, who borrow
upon mortgage. Even they scarce ever borrow merely to spend. What they
borrow, one may say, is commonly spent before they borrow it. They have
generally consumed so great a quantity of goods, advanced to them upon
credit by shopkeepers and tradesmen, that they find it necessary to borrow
at interest, in order to pay the debt. The capital borrowed replaces the
capitals of those shopkeepers and tradesmen which the country gentlemen
could not have replaced from the rents of their estates. It is not properly
borrowed in order to be spent, but in order to replace a capital which had
been spent before.
Almost all loans at interest are made in money, either of paper, or of gold
and silver ; but what the borrower really wants, and what the lender readily
supplies him with, is not the money, but the moneyβs worth, or the goods
which it can purchase. If he wants it as a stock for immediate consumption,
it is those goods only which he can place in that stock. If he wants it as a
capital for employing industry, it is from those goods only that the
industrious can be furnished with the tools, materials, and maintenance
necessary for carrying on their work. By means of the loan, the lender, as
it were, assigns to the borrower his right to a certain portion of the
annual produce of the land and labour of the country, to be employed as the
borrower pleases.
The quantity of stock, therefore, or, as it is commonly expressed, of money,
which can be lent at interest in any country, is not regulated by the value
of the money, whether paper or coin, which serves as the instrument of the
different loans made in that country, but by the value of that part of the
annual produce, which, as soon as it comes either from the ground, or from
the hands of the productive labourers, is destined, not only for replacing a
capital, but such a capital as the owner does not care to be at the trouble
of employing himself. As such capitals are commonly lent out and paid back
in money, they constitute what is called the monied interest. It is
distinct, not only from the landed, but from the trading and manufacturing
interests, as in these last the owners themselves employ their own capitals.
Even in the monied interest, however, the money is, as it were, but the deed
of assignment, which conveys from one hand to another those capitals which
the owners do not care to employ themselves. Those capitals may be greater,
in almost any proportion, than the amount of the money which serves as the
instrument of their conveyance; the same pieces of money successively
serving for many different loans, as well as for many different purchases.
A, for example, lends to W οΏ½1000, with which W immediately purchases of B
οΏ½1000 worth of goods. B having no occasion for the money himself, lends the
identical pieces to X, with which X immediately purchases of C another οΏ½1000
worth of goods. C, in the same manner, and for the same reason, lends them
to Y, who again purchases goods with them of D. In this manner, the same
pieces, either of coin or of paper, may, in the course of a few days, serve
as the Instrument of three different loans, and of three different
purchases, each of which is, in value, equal to the whole amount of those
pieces. What the three monied men, A, B, and C, assigned to the three
borrowers, W, X, and Y, is the power of making those purchases. In this
power consist both the value and the use of the loans. The stock lent by the
three monied men is equal to the value of the goods which can be purchased
with it, and is three times greater than that of the money with which the
purchases are made. Those loans, however, may be all perfectly well secured,
the goods purchased by the different debtors being so employed as, in due
time, to bring back, with a profit, an equal value either of coin or of
paper. And as the same pieces of money can thus serve as the instrument of
different loans to three, or, for the same reason, to thirty times their
value, so they may likewise successively serve as the instrument of
repayment.
A capital lent at interest may, in this manner, be considered as an
assignment, from the lender to the borrower, of a certain considerable
portion of the annual produce, upon condition that the burrower in return
shall, during the continuance of the loan, annually assign to the lender a
small portion, called the interest ; and, at the end of it, a portion
equally considerable with that which had originally been assigned to him,
called the repayment. Though money, either coin or paper, serves generally
as the deed of assignment, both to the smaller and to the more considerable
portion, it is itself altogether different from what is assigned by it.
In proportion as that share of the annual produce which, as soon as it comes
either from the ground, or from the hands of the productive labourers, is
destined for replacing a capital, increases in any country, what is called
the monied interest naturally increases with it. The increase of those
particular capitals from which the owners wish to derive a revenue, without
being at the trouble of employing them themselves, naturally accompanies the
general increase of capitals ; or, in other words, as stock increases, the
quantity of stock to be lent at interest grows gradually greater and
greater.
As the quantity of stock to be lent at interest increases, the interest, or
the price which must be paid for the use of that stock, necessarily
diminishes, not only from those general causes which make the market price
of things commonly diminish as their quantity increases, but from other
causes which are peculiar to this particular case. As capitals increase in
any country, the profits which can be made by employing them necessarily
diminish. It becomes gradually more and more difficult to find within the
country a profitable method of employing any new capital. There arises, in
consequence, a competition between different capitals, the owner of one
endeavouring to get possession of that employment which is occupied by
another; but, upon most occasions, he can hope to justle that other out of
this employment by no other means but by dealing upon more reasonable terms.
He must not only sell what he deals in somewhat cheaper, but, in order to
get it to sell, he must sometimes, too, buy it dearer. The demand for
productive labour, by the increase of the funds which are destined for
maintaining it, grows every day greater and greater. Labourers easily find
employment; but the owners of capitals find it difficult to get labourers to
employ. Their competition raises the wages of labour, and sinks the profits
of stock. But when the profits which can be made by the use of a capital
are in this manner diminished, as it were, at both ends, the price which can
be paid for the use of it, that is, the rate of interest, must necessarily
be diminished with them.
Mr Locke, Mr Lawe, and Mr Montesquieu, as well as many other writers, seem
to have imagined that the increase of the quantity of gold and silver, in
consequence of the discovery of the Spanish West Indies, was the real cause
of the lowering of the rate of interest through the greater part of Europe.
Those metals, they say, having become of less value themselves, the use of
any particular portion of them necessarily became of less value too, and,
consequently, the price which could be paid for it. This notion, which at
first sight seems so plausible, has been so fully exposed by Mr Hume, that
it is, perhaps, unnecessary to say any thing more about it. The following
very short and plain argument, however, may serve to explain more distinctly
the fallacy which seems to have misled those gentlemen.
Before the discovery of the Spanish West Indies, ten per cent. seems to have
been the common rate of interest through the greater part of Europe. It has
since that time, in different countries, sunk to six, five, four, and three
per cent. Let us suppose, that in every particular country the value of
silver has sunk precisely in the same proportion as the rate of interest;
and that in those countries, for example, where interest has been reduced
from ten to five per cent. the same quantity of silver can now purchase just
half the quantity of goods which it could have purchased before. This
supposition will not, I believe, be found anywhere agreeable to the truth ;
but it is the most favourable to the opinion which we are going to examine;
and, even upon this supposition, it is utterly impossible that the lowering
of the value of silver could have the smallest tendency to lower the rate of
interest. If οΏ½100 are in those countries now of no more value than οΏ½50 were
then, οΏ½10 must now be of no more value than οΏ½5 were then. Whatever were the
causes which lowered the value of the capital, the same must necessarily
have lowered that of the interest, and exactly in the same proportion. The
proportion between the value of the capital and that of the interest must
have remained the same, though the rate had never been altered. By altering
the rate, on the contrary, the proportion between those two values is
necessarily altered. If οΏ½100 now are worth no more than οΏ½50 were then, οΏ½5
now can be worth no more than οΏ½2:10s. were then. By reducing the rate of
interest, therefore, from ten to five per cent. we give for the use of a
capital, which is supposed to be equal to one half of its former value, an
interest which is equal to one fourth only of the value of the former
interest.
An increase in the quantity of silver, while that of the commodities
circulated by means of it remained the same, could have no other effect than
to diminish the value of that metal. The nominal value of
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