The Ego and his Own by Max Stirner (most read books txt) π
Those not self-conscious and self-willed are constantly acting from self-interested motives, but clothing these in various garbs. Watch those people closely in the light of Stirner's teaching, and they seem to be hypocrites, they have so many good moral and religious plans of which self-interest is at the end and bottom; but they, we may believe, do not know that this is more than a coincidence.
In Stirner we have the philosophical foundation for political liberty. His interest in the practical development of egoism to the dissolution of the State and the union of free men is clear and pronounced, and harmonizes perfectly with the economic philosophy of Josiah Warren. Allowing for difference of temperament and language, there is a substantial agreement between Stirner and Proudhon. Each would be free, and sees in every increase of the number of free people and their intelligence an a
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parents: it abolishes the family. Nature gives parents, brothers, etc., no
right at all. Altogether, this entire revolutionary or Babouvist principle(17)
rests on a religious, i. e., false, view of things. Who can ask after
"right" if he does not occupy the religious standpoint himself? Is not "right"
a religious concept, i.e. something sacred? Why, "equality of rights", as
the Revolution propounded it, is only another name for "Christian equality,"
the "equality of the brethren," "of God's children," "of Christians"; in
short, fraternitΓ©. Each and every inquiry after right deserves to be lashed
with Schiller's words:
Many a year I've used my nose To smell the onion and the rose; Is there any proof which shows That I've a right to that same nose?When the Revolution stamped equality as a "right," it took flight into the
religious domain, into the region of the sacred, of the ideal. Hence, since
then, the fight for the "sacred, inalienable rights of man." Against the
"eternal rights of man" the "well-earned rights of the established order" are
quite naturally, and with equal right, brought to bear: right against right,
where of course one is decried by the other as "wrong." This has been the
contest of rights(18) since the Revolution.
You want to be "in the right" as against the rest. That you cannot; as against
them you remain forever "in the wrong"; for they surely would not be your
opponents if they were not in "their right" too; they will always make you out
"in the wrong." But, as against the right of the rest, yours is a higher,
greater, more powerful right, is it not? No such thing! Your right is not
more powerful if you are not more powerful. Have Chinese subjects a right to
freedom? Just bestow it on them, and then look how far you have gone wrong in
your attempt: because they do not know how to use freedom they have no right
to it, or, in clearer terms, because they have not freedom they have not the
right to it. Children have no right to the condition of majority because they
are not of age, i.e. because they are children. Peoples that let themselves
be kept in nonage have no rights to the condition of majority; if they ceased
to be in nonage, then only would they have the right to be of age. This means
nothing else than "What you have the power to be you have the right to." I
derive all right and all warrant from me ; I am entitled to everything
that I have in my power. I am entitled to overthrow Zeus, Jehovah, God, etc.,
if I can ; if I cannot, then these gods will always remain in the right and
in power as against me, and what I do will be to fear their right and their
power in impotent "god-fearingness," to keep their commandments and believe
that I do right in everything that I do according to their right, about as
the Russian boundary-sentinels think themselves rightfully entitled to shoot
dead the suspicious persons who are escaping, since they murder "by superior
authority," i.e. "with right." But I am entitled by myself to murder if I
myself do not forbid it to myself, if I myself do not fear murder as a
"wrong." This view of things lies at the foundation of Chamisso's poem, "The
Valley of Murder," where the gray-haired Indian murderer compels reverence
from the white man whose brethren he has murdered. The only thing I am not
entitled to is what I do not do with a free cheer, i. e. what I do not
entitle myself to.
I decide whether it is the right thing in me; there is no right outside
me. If it is right for me,(19) it is right. Possibly this may not suffice to
make it right for the rest; i. e., their care, not mine: let them defend
themselves. And if for the whole world something were not right, but it were
right for me, i. e., I wanted it, then I would ask nothing about the whole
world. So every one does who knows how to value himself, every one in the
degree that he is an egoist; for might goes before right, and that -- with
perfect right.
Because I am "by nature" a man I have an equal right to the enjoyment of all
goods, says Babeuf. Must he not also say: because I am "by nature" a
first-born prince I have a right to the throne? The rights of man and the
"well-earned rights" come to the same thing in the end, i.e. to nature,
which gives me a right, i. e. to birth (and, further, inheritance,
etc.). "I am born as a man" is equal to "I am born as a king's son." The
natural man has only a natural right (because he has only a natural power) and
natural claims: he has right of birth and claims of birth. But nature cannot
entitle me, i.e. give me capacity or might, to that to which only my act
entitles me. That the king's child sets himself above other children, even
this is his act, which secures to him the precedence; and that the other
children approve and recognize this act is their act, which makes them worthy
to be -- subjects.
Whether nature gives me a right, or whether God, the people's choice, etc.,
does so, all of i. e., the same foreign right, a right that I do not give
or take to myself.
Thus the Communists say, equal labor entitles man to equal enjoyment. Formerly
the question was raised whether the "virtuous" man must not be "happy" on
earth. The Jews actually drew this inference: "That it may go well with thee
on earth." No, equal labor does not entitle you to it, but equal enjoyment
alone entitles you to equal enjoyment. Enjoy, then you are entitled to
enjoyment. But, if you have labored and let the enjoyment be taken from you,
then -- "it serves you right."
If you take the enjoyment, it is your right; if, on the contrary, you only
pine for it without laying hands on it, it remains as before, a, "well-earned
right" of those who are privileged for enjoyment. It is their right, as by
laying hands on it would become your right.
The conflict over the "right of property" wavers in vehement commotion. The
Communists affirm(20) that "the earth belongs rightfully to him who tills it,
and its products to those who bring them out." I think it belongs to him who
knows how to take it, or who does not let it be taken from him, does not let
himself be deprived of it. If he appropriates it, then not only the earth, but
the right to it too, belongs to him. This is egoistic right: i.e. it is
right for me, therefore it is right.
Aside from this, right does have "a wax nose." The tiger that assails me is in
the right, and I who strike him down am also in the right. I defend against
him not my right, but myself.
As human right is always something given, it always in reality reduces to the
right which men give, i.e. "concede," to each other. If the right to
existence is conceded to new-born children, then they have the right; if it is
not conceded to them, as was the case among the Spartans and ancient Romans,
then they do not have it. For only society can give or concede it to them;
they themselves cannot take it, or give it to themselves. It will be objected,
the children had nevertheless "by nature" the right to exist; only the
Spartans refused recognition to this right. But then they simply had no
right to this recognition -- no more than they had to recognition of their
life by the wild beasts to which they were thrown.
People talk so much about birthright and complain:
There is alas! -- no mention of the rights That were born with us.(21)What sort of right, then, is there that was born with me? The right to receive
an entailed estate, to inherit a throne, to enjoy a princely or noble
education; or, again, because poor parents begot me, to -- get free schooling,
be clothed out of contributions of alms, and at last earn my bread and my
herring in the coal-mines or at the loom? Are these not birthrights, rights
that have come down to me from my parents through birth? You think -- no;
you think these are only rights improperly so called, it is just these rights
that you aim to abolish through the real birthright. To give a basis for
this you go back to the simplest thing and affirm that every one is by birth
equal to another -- to wit, a man. I will grant you that every one is born
as man, hence the new-born are therein equal to each other. Why are they?
Only because they do not yet show and exert themselves as anything but bare --
children of men, naked little human beings. But thereby they are at once
different from those who have already made something out of themselves, who
thus are no longer bare "children of man," but -- children of their own
creation. The latter possesses more than bare birthrights: they have earned
rights. What an antithesis, what a field of combat! The old combat of the
birthrights of man and well-earned rights. Go right on appealing to your
birthrights; people will not fail to oppose to you the well-earned. Both stand
on the "ground of right"; for each of the two has a "right" against the other,
the one the birthright of natural right, the other the earned or "well-earned"
right.
If you remain on the ground of right, you remain in -- Rechthaberei.(22) The
other cannot give you your right; he cannot "mete out right" to you. He who
has might has -- right; if you have not the former, neither have you the
latter. Is this wisdom so hard to attain? Just look at the mighty and their
doings! We are talking here only of China and Japan, of course. Just try it
once, you Chinese and Japanese, to make them out in the wrong, and learn by
experience how they throw you into jail. (Only do not confuse with this the
"well-meaning counsels" which -- in China and Japan -- are permitted, because
they do not hinder the mighty one, but possibly help him on.) For him who
should want to make them out in the wrong there would stand open only one way
thereto, that of might. If he deprives them of their might, then he has
really made them out in
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