An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith (ebook reader macos .TXT) π
The causes of this improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the order according to which its produce is naturally distributed among the different ranks and conditions of men in the society, make the subject of the first book of this Inquiry.
Whatever be the actual state of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which labour is applied in any nation, the abundance or scantiness of its annual supply must depend, during the continuance of that state, upon the proportion between the number of those who are annually employed in useful labour, and that of those who are not so employed. The number of us
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this optional clause, and sometimes threatened those who demanded gold and
silver in exchange for a considerable number of their notes, that they would
take advantage of it, unless such demanders would content themselves with a
part of what they demanded. The promissory notes of those banking companies
constituted, at that time, the far greater part of the currency of Scotland,
which this uncertainty of payment necessarily degraded below value of gold
and silver money. During the continuance of this abuse (which prevailed
chiefly in 1762, 1763, and 1764), while the exchange between London and
Carlisle was at par, that between London and Dumfries would sometimes be
four per cent. against Dumfries, though this town is not thirty miles
distant from Carlisle. But at Carlisle, bills were paid in gold and
silver ; whereas at Dumfries they were paid in Scotch bank notes ; and the
uncertainty of getting these bank notes exchanged for gold and silver coin,
had thus degraded them four per cent. below the value of that coin. The same
act of parliament which suppressed ten and five shilling bank notes,
suppressed likewise this optional clause, and thereby restored the exchange
between England and Scotland to its natural rate, or to what the course of
trade and remittances might happen to make it.
In the paper currencies of Yorkshire, the payment of so small a sum as 6d.
sometimes depended upon the condition, that the holder of the note should
bring the change of a guinea to the person who issued it; a condition which
the holders of such notes might frequently find it very difficult to fulfil,
and which must have degraded this currency below the value of gold and
silver money. An act of parliament, accordingly, declared all such clauses
unlawful, and suppressed, in the same manner as in Scotland, all promissory
notes, payable to the bearer, under 20s. value.
The paper currencies of North America consisted, not in bank notes payable
to the bearer on demand, but in a government paper, of which the payment was
not exigible till several years after it was issued ; and though the colony
governments paid no interest to the holders of this paper, they declared it
to be, and in fact rendered it, a legal tender of payment for the full value
for which it was issued. But allowing the colony security to be perfectly
good, οΏ½100, payable fifteen years hence, for example, in a country where
interest is at six per cent., is worth little more than οΏ½40 ready money. ,
To oblige a creditor, therefore, to accept of this as full payment for a
debt of οΏ½100, actually paid down in ready money, was an act of such violent
injustice, as has scarce, perhaps, been attempted by the government of any
other country which pretended to be free. It bears the evident marks of
having originally been, what the honest and downright Doctor Douglas assures
us it was, a scheme of fraudulent debtors to cheat their creditors. The
government of Pennsylvania, indeed, pretended, upon their first emission of
paper money, in 1722, to render their paper of equal value with gold and
silver, by enacting penalties against all those who made any difference in
the price of their goods when they sold them for a colony paper, and when
they sold them for gold and silver, a regulation equally tyrannical, but
much less, effectual, than that which it was meant to support. A positive
law may render a shilling a legal tender for a guinea, because it may direct
the courts of justice to discharge the debtor who has made that tender ; but
no positive law can oblige a person who sells goods, and who is at liberty
to sell or not to sell as he pleases, to accept of a shilling as equivalent
to a guinea in the price of them. Notwithstanding any regulation of this
kind, it appeared, by the course of exchange with Great Britain, that οΏ½100
sterling was occasionally considered as equivalent, in some of the colonies,
to οΏ½130, and in others to so great a sum as οΏ½1100 currency ; this difference
in the value arising from the difference in the quantity of paper emitted in
the different colonies, and in the distance and probability of the term of
its final discharge and redemption.
No law, therefore, could be more equitable than the act of parliament, so
unjustly complained of in the colonies, which declared, that no paper
currency to be emitted there in time coming, should be a legal tender of
payment.
Pennsylvania was always more moderate in its emissions of paper money than
any other of our colonies. Its paper currency, accordingly, is said never to
have sunk below the value of the gold and silver which was current in the
colony before the first emission of its paper money. Before that emission,
the colony had raised the denomination of its coin, and had, by act of
assembly, ordered 5s. sterling to pass in the colonies for 6s:3d., and
afterwards for 6s:8d. A pound, colony currency, therefore, even when that
currency was gold and silver, was more than thirty per cent. below the value
of οΏ½1 sterling; and when that currency was turned into paper, it was seldom
much more than thirty per cent. below that value. The pretence for raising
the denomination of the coin was to prevent the exportation of gold and
silver, by making equal quantities of those metals pass for greater sums in
the colony than they did in the mother country. It was found, however, that
the price of all goods from the mother country rose exactly in proportion as
they raised the denomination of their coin, so that their gold and silver
were exported as fast as ever.
The paper of each colony being received in the payment of the provincial
taxes, for the full value for which it had been issued, it necessarily
derived from this use some additional value, over and above what it would
have had, from the real or supposed distance of the term of its final
discharge and redemption. This additional value was greater or less,
according as the quantity of paper issued was more or less above what could
be employed in the payment of the taxes of the particular colony which
issued it. It was in all the colonies very much above what could be employed
in this manner.
A prince, who should enact that a certain proportion of his taxes should be
paid in a paper money of a certain kind, might thereby . give a certain
value to this paper money, even though the term of its final discharge and
redemption should depend altogether upon the will of the prince. If the bank
which issued this paper was careful to keep the quantity of it always
somewhat below what could easily be employed in this manner, the demand for
it might be such as to make it even bear a premium, or sell for somewhat more
in the market than the quantity of gold or silver currency for which it
was issued. Some people account in this manner for what is called the agio
of the bank of Amsterdam, or for the superiority of bank money over
current money, though this bank money, as they pretend, cannot be taken
out of the bank at the will of the owner. The greater part of foreign bills
of exchange must be paid in bank money, that is, by a transfer in the
books of the bank ; and the directors of the bank, they allege, are
careful to keep the whole quantity of bank money always below what this
use occasions a demand for. It is upon this account, they say, the bank
money sells for a premium, or bears an agio of four or five per cent. above
the same nominal sum of the gold and silver currency of the country. This
account of the bank of Amsterdam, however, it will appear hereafter, is in a
great measure chimerical.
A paper currency which falls below the value of gold and silver coin, does
not thereby sink the value of those metals, or occasion equal quantities of
them to exchange for a smaller quantity of goods of any other kind. The
proportion between the value of gold and silver and that of goods of any
other kind, depends in all cases, not upon the nature and quantity of any
particular paper money, which may be current in any particular country, but
upon the richness or poverty of the mines, which happen at any particular
time to supply the great market of the commercial world with those metals.
It depends upon the proportion between the quantity of labour which is
necessary in order to bring a certain quantity of gold and silver to market,
and that which is necessary in order to bring thither a certain quantity of
any other sort of goods.
If bankers are restrained from issuing any circulating bank notes, or notes
payable to the bearer, for less than a certain sum; and if they are
subjected to the obligation of an immediate and unconditional payment of
such bank notes as soon as presented, their trade may, with safety to the
public, be rendered in all other respects perfectly free. The late
multiplication of banking companies in both parts of the united kingdom, an
event by which many people have been much alarmed, instead of diminishing,
increases the security of the public. It obliges all of them to be more
circumspect in their conduct, and, by not extending their currency beyond
its due proportion to their cash, to guard themselves against those
malicious runs, which the rivalship of so many competitors is always ready
to bring upon them. It restrains the circulation of each particular company
within a narrower circle, and reduces their circulating notes to a smaller
number. By dividing the whole circulation into a greater number of parts,
the failure of any one company, an accident which, in the course of things,
must sometimes happen, becomes of less consequence to the public. This free
competition, too, obliges all bankers to be more liberal in their dealings
with their customers, lest their rivals should carry them away. In general,
if any branch of trade, or any division of labour, be advantageous to the
public, the freer and more general the competition, it will always be the
more so.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL, OR OF
PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE LABOUR.
There is one sort of labour which adds to the value of the subject upon
which it is bestowed ; there is another which has no such effect. The former
as it produces a value, may be called productive, the latter, unproductive
labour. { Some French authors of great learning and ingenuity have used
those words in a different sense. In the last chapter of the fourth book, I
shall endeavour to shew that their sense is an improper one.} Thus the labour
of a manufacturer adds generally to the value of the materials which he
works upon, that of his own maintenance, and of his masterβs profit. The
labour of a menial servant, on the contrary, adds to the value of nothing.
Though the manufacturer has his wages advanced to him by his master, he in
reality costs him no expense, the value of those wages being generally
restored, together with a profit, in the improved value of the subject upon
which his labour is bestowed. But the maintenance of a menial servant never
is restored. A man grows rich by employing a multitude of manufacturers ;
he grows poor by maintaining a multitude or menial servants. The labour of
the latter, however, has its value, and deserves its reward as well as that
of the former. But the labour of the
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